3(10), žŗť-ŤĢŪŁ  2001    

Balkan Elements in Orthodox Church Painting of the Post-Byzantine Period in Central Europe

Waldemar Deluga
Warsaw

Orthodox church painting in countries of Central Europe, in a region lying at the intersection of Latin and Byzantine cultures, is exceptionally diversified culturally and ist highly interesting for comparative studies. Although scholarly studies were undertaken in the last century, when cataloguing of the existing remains began in the Galician region, the need for further research remains. Among the greatest obstacles, I would mention the curiously impassable barriers of state borders as well as attempts to appropriate the national character of this art. The "Byzance aprés Byzance"1 period establishes new scholarly perspectives. It was then, at the close of the Middle Ages, that the major breakthrough in the iconography of the Eastern Church took place. At the same time, one easily discerns the considerable influence that Byzantine art exerted on Latin culture, as indicated by comparative studies of Christological and Marian representations. One indication of the artistic homogeneity of post-Byzantine art in Central Europe is the Slavic church language employed with its particular variants in the old Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth, as well as in Moldavia and Wallachia. Inscriptions appearing on the icons are an important element in dating objects and identifying the artist's language of origin. However, this kind of research has begun only recently2. I have elsewhere referred to this territory identified by a common language and common artistic elements as a Little Region3. In the case of icon painting from Central Europe, there has been much lively discussion, concerning geographic national attribution, which will probably be continued over the years; in my opinion, however, the most important issue, requiring careful study because of the chaos present in this field, is the dating of icons4. Is it really possible to speak of painting centers in this part of Europe in the late 13th century? If so, what technical conditions would have had to exist for such centers, possibly operating in monastic circles, to appear? What was Latin art of the period like? An equally important issue is the search for the sources and inspiration of painting in the lands at the crossing of Byzantine and Latin cultures.

Important groundwork for studies of Orthodox Church art in the context of relations between Moldavia and the Old Polish Commonwealth was laid by institutions that were established in the 19th century within the borders of the former Austrian Empire. This was the Zentrallkomission zur Erforschung und Erhaltung der Baudenkmäler, founded in Vienna in 1835, with divisions in Cracow and Lviv that were established three years later. In 1888, a Polish Central Archaeological Commission was instituted independently of the Austrian authorities. The same period saw the founding in St. Petersburg of the Imperial Archaeological Academy, one of the tasks of which was to conduct research in the territories incorporated then in the Russian Empire5. Photographic documentation was another objective; the archives are presently stored at the Archaeological Institute in St. Petersburg.

In 1885 the First Polish-Ruthenian Archaeological Exhibition was organised in Lviv, showing the priceless objects that were held in collections in the Galician capital. An album issued a year later by Ludwik Wierzbicki and Marian Sokołowski illustrates many of the objects now in the collection of the National Museum of Ukrainian Art in Lviv6. The exhibition opened a discussion among scholars on the origins and development of Orthodox Church painting in the late Middle Ages. Marian Sokołowski distinguished a painting school in Ruthenia and linked it with Byzantine art7. In turn, Władysław Łoziński accepted the dependence of Red Ruthenia on outside influence, linking icon painting with imports from Greece or Moldavia8.

The next exhibition was prepared on the occasion of a conference of historians held in Lviv in 1888. It underscored the close ties between Ruthenian and Moldavian art9. Archaeological research was carried out in 1880-1887 at Halič. During the same period a number of scholarly expeditions worked in the field. Their work is represented by an extremely interesting set of negatives made by Izydor Szaraniewicz, now in the collection of the National Museum in Lviv, as well as some inventory records from the Vasyl Stefanyk Library in Lviv10. Numerous letters from the Stauropegion collection speak of the Lviv-Suceava ties; these letters were published in 1886 on the 300th anniversary of the order11. Most of these are now found in the collection of the Historical Archives in Lviv12. Scholars from Lviv had planned yet another exhibition representing this time the art of the Bukovina region, to be shown in Lviv or Černivcy in 1890 on the occasion of the planned conference of Polish historians. The plan was never put into life, but the idea of studies on the art of the Polish-Moldavian frontier remained alive among Polish scholars. Sokołowski published a number of articles that were later issued in book form13. And in 1912 Władysław Podlacha published a monograph study of the wall paintings in the Bukovina Orthodox churches14. The book was the effect of years of study by this Lviv scholar, the results of which had been published over the years in the Austrian periodical Zeitschrift für Christliche Kunst15. In this respect, the interests of Polish scholars turned out to be one with those of Austrian colleagues and later also Romanian16 and French17 scholars.

The popularity of this region with foreign scholars sparked new research by Romanian, Polish and Ukrainian scholars. In the early 20th century, Ukrainian scholars in search for a national identity had the overwhelming need to nationalise the artistic activity of past ages. It was then that the so-called Halič school, which Josip Pileński was in favour of, was distinguished18. The term coined by the author with regard to medieval Orthodox Church architecture was later extended to cover painting as well. Polish art historians accepted this extension. At this time the Stauropegion Institute was established in Lviv (1905), as was also the Society for the Protection of Ukrainian Antiquities19. A significant accomplishment was Ilarion Sventsickiís publication of an album of the icon collection in the Ukrainian Museum in Lviv20. This institution had been established in 1909 by the metropolitan Andrej Sheptycki. Many studies were published in Viennese periodicals, e.g., E. A. Kozakís articles on historic monuments from the Bukovina region and F. Wiekenhauserís works. In Romania, the Biuletinul Comisiunni Monumentelor Historice was issued regularly by the Historical Monuments Commission, including several studies on Moldavian art. Continuing the studies in the 1920s and 1930s were I. D. Stefanescu, Nikolaj Hołubiec and Volodymir Zaloziecky21. The need for further research was also underscored by Tadeusz Mańkowski, who wrote that ď if the influence of the Lviv artistic and cultural circles was such that it reached Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman empire, and faraway Persia, then how much more alive it should have been in the lands under Turkish authority that neighboured on Poland, Moldavia and Wallachia especiallyĒ22. This idea was developed a few years later by Razvan Theodoreşcu23 Bogdan Janusz presented an interesting article on Moldavian objects in Lviv24. Interesting results were achieved in this period by Michał Walicki, Anna Marsówna, Celina Osieczkowska25. An exceptional set of photo documentation was collected by the Ukrainian scholar Jaroslav Bohdan Konstantynowič, who managed to publish only the first volume of a monograph devoted to the iconostasis. Material for the second volume is now held in the collection of the Folk Architecture Museum in Sanok, the Vasyl Stefanyk Library of the Academy of Sciences in Lviv26 and the Library of the Academy of Sciences in Kiev27. A big group is constituted by the records of the conservators from Eastern Galicia, now in the Stefanyk Library in Lviv28. Surviving minutes of meetings contain information about ongoing conservation of Lviv monuments and lists of measurements and photographic documentation.

Research picked up after the war. A thorough study of Ruthenian paintings of the times of the Jagiellonian kings is to be found in the works of Anna Różycka-Bryzek, which provide much new information on the subject29. Scholars from Ukraine were active, too, focusing mostly on the national issues in painting, not on artistic ties between different centers. Of the many scholars interested in these problems one should mention Pavlo Žoltovskij, who studied primarily the 17th century wall paintings from the Eastern Ukraine30. The enormous number of publications from recent years has brought new data. Also Romanian scholars concentrating on links in the art of the north and south have made available considerable material for study31. The Transylvania frescoes have been studied by Marius Porumb32 and Vasile Draguţ33. Icon painting from Moldavia and Wallachia has been the subject of studies by Corina Nicolescu, Constanţa Costea, Ioana Iancovescu, Ecaterina Cincheza Buculei, and Marina Ileana Sabados34. It is noteworthy that the first comprehensive study of Romanian art as a whole to be published outside Romania was prepared by Polish art historians: Ryszard Brykowski, Tadeusz Chrzanowski and Marian Kornecki35. The works of Stefan Tkáč and A. Frycki have introduced Slovakian monuments into the history of the development of icon painting36. There are also some studies by Hungarian scholars37. Of the Polish scholars who have devoted themselves to a study of icon painting Romuald Biskupski deserves the most attention as an indefatigable organizer of exhibitions, in Poland as well as abroad38. Further monographic studies and thorough conservation work will continue to add to the knowledge of icon painting, as unknown pieces are being successively published, chiefly in the acts of conferences organised by Viktor Lucí in the Regional Museum in Łuck. Mirosław Kruk has presented the state of research on Carpathian icon painting together with extensive references39. He has also observed strong artistic ties between centers in the North Carpathian area and those in southern Slav lands passing through Moldavia. In recent years, scholarly research has resulted in incremental studies of an inventory nature, providing a better opportunity for deeper insight into post-Byzantine art.

An analysis of objects from the orthodox areas in Central Europe brings into focus a number of mutually intersecting artistic tendencies. Many works bear features typical of Armenian painting40. A good example is provided by the Mandilion from the National Museum in Cracow41. There exist also examples of icons featuring a North Russian painting style (for example Christ Pantokrator from the village of Nowosielce). Another group can be linked with the Italo-Cretan style associated with Mt. Athos, which I shall deal with further on in this article. Yet another group of objects is connected with the Latin cultural sphere, mediated by mean of panel painting as in the case of the icon depicting the Crucifixion from the National Museum in Lviv42 or through original graphic archetypes from the German and Netherlandish schools43. A big composition of the Crucifixion with 22 scenes around it, from the Historical Museum in Sanok, is another interesting example44. In some cases, such as the icon depicting St. George from Stupnica near Sambir, it is difficult to suggest a prototype offhand; perhaps one should look to Netherlandish graphic art of the late 15th century or else to panel painting for the source in this case45. To be mentioned among the important features appearing in Orthodox church painting of the old Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth are the elements linked to Balkan art development based in the Greek Byzantine tradition.

Of the works, the origins of which may be traced to the Balkans, one should mention currently the oldest known painting from an Orthodox church in Polish territory (excluding the frescoes from the Catholic chapels and churches of the Jagellonian era46) - the wall paintings from the St. Onufrios church in Posada Rybotycka in the vicinity of Przemyśl. In the presbytery of the stone-built church fragmentary frescoes have been preserved, most probably dating back to the first half of the 15th century47. The iconographic program here was adapted to the Gothic interior of the sanctuary. A representation of Christ Pantokrator surrounded by cherubs and seraphim decorated the central part, in the center of the vault, as was the custom in Byzantine churches without domes. Below it there is the Communion of the Apostles, Washing of the Feet and the Last Supper, scenes representing Holy Thursday events. The next scenes are difficult to interpret. Rózycka-Bryzek that believes they completed the series of twelve feasts in the liturgical year, the so-called dodekaorton48. Holy Thursday themes were popular in the Orthodox church painting of Moldavia and Wallachia. Perhaps this should be connected to the texts of the Bulgarian Gregory Camblak, the Kiev metropolitan in 1414-1420, author of theological treatises and sermons on Holy Thursday subjects. The scene of Christ in the Tomb represents a popular theme in 13th century Greek iconography - as a wall painting it usually appears in the niche of the prothesis. Różycka-Bryzek mentions as a parallel the composition in the Peribleptos church at Mystras in the Peloponnese. In the prothesis there, there is a representation of this type with the Church hierarchy around it. The Man of Sorrows scene was placed in the diakonikon49. In terms of the style, the frescoes from Posada Rybotycka are close to the paintings from the Wiślica collegiate and the Lublin chapel. From this period come the frescoes, fragments of which have survived in the Armenian church in Lviv50.

A defensive kind of sanctuary developed in late medieval times. The church at Posada Rybotycka was one of this kind. There are a few other examples of this kind from the territories of the Great Lithuanian Duchy, at Małomożejków, Synkowicze and Supraśl, where the three-aisle rectangular structures were furnished with four round towers51. The church at Supraśl was an aisle building, like the Catholic sanctuaries, with a three-sided presbytery, traced on a rectangular plan, with a dome supported on an octagonal drum following Eastern traditions52. The interior was painted with frescoes in 1557 at the order of the archmandrite Sergius Kimbar. The actual painting was done by the Serbian monk Nektarij53. The sanctuary was destroyed during the Second World War and the wall paintings are known only from some photographs held in the collection of the Archaeological Institute in St. Petersburg. Based on this documentation Aleksander Siemaszko prepared a reconstruction of the iconographical program54. Paintings also decorated the dome, drum and vault of the eastern span of the nave, as well as the walls, the vault springing and the pillars. A Christ Pantokrator image was found in the dome and below it, on the walls of the drum and the pendentives, there were the figures of angels, prophets announcing the Incarnation of God, followed by the apostles and their first followers, who made up the earthly Church. In the next row there were the martyrs and bishops, and the symbols of the four Evangelists, in accordance with the decoration occurring in Byzantine and Post-Byzantine art (e.g. in Caluiu). On the eastern vault of the nave, there is a representation of angels belonging to the highest triad in the hierarchy, followed by the seraphim and cherubs, and the tetramorphs. On the west one had Sabaoth, Christ - Angel of the Great Council, Christ-Emmanuel and the Holy Ghost. On the south, Herman and Panteleimon, as well as Cosma and Damian. This part of the vault program had no parallels in post-Byzantine painting. The only place where Siemaszko was able to identify it was the hospital chapel in Bistrica in Wallachia. The frescoes on the walls of the Supraśl church came in four horizontal registers. The first included scenes from the life of Christ in the order presented by the liturgical calendar and the readings for two Sundays after the Resurrection. The second brings illustrations to the Akathyst hymn about the mysteries and accomplishments of the Incarnation. In the bottom two rows there are separate medallions with the busts of unidentified saints and a row of full-figured representations of saints. The idea behind the program was the Incarnation of God, which was shown in Supraśl through the combined visions of the prophets Isaiah and Ezekhiel, and also the Annunciation of Mary (the dedication of the sanctuary) and the promise of the Descent of the Holy Ghost. The frescoes are close to Serbian painting from Stare Nagoričino, not only in terms of the workshop, but also for the convergence of iconographic themes, such as the symbolic figure of the Cosmos in the scene of the Descent of the Holy Ghost. Nektarij also made the iconostasis, a fact noted in the chronicles of the Lavra55. It may be the work described by Peter Mohyla56. It was later replaced with an iconostasis from Gdańsk.

With the expansion of the Ottoman Empire, the main art centers of Greece moved to the borderlands of old Byzantium57. New schools were established e.g. the Italo-Cretan with centers in Venice and Crete58, a school associated with the Greek colonies in Wallachia and Moldavia. Later, painting centers also appeared in Hungary59 and Austria60. The one mainstay of post-Byzantine art were the monasteries on the Athos peninsula, at Meteora and on the islands, especially the vigorous workshops of Patmos, Crete and Cyprus. Of interest for our studies is the development of painting of the territory of modern-day Romania, where Greek immigrants settled. It is noteworthy that on Athos alone we find many examples of Moldavian and Wallachian foundations beginning from the late 15th century: Zographos (1533); the decoration dated to 1609 of the narthex of the katholikon founded by Petru Rareş and of the chapel of St. George dedicated to George Tropeophtoros, at Dionysiou; the paintings from the foundation of Vasile Lupu (17th cent.) at the Lavra; paintings at Dochiariou and elsewhere61. In Moldavia, as is well-known there are many churches decorated with exterior wall paintings. The area of Kastoria is also rich in renderings of this type62. Some of the icons in the Romanian monasteries are also presumably of Greek origin. The early Moldavian-Wallachian icons reveal many features typical of the Italo-Cretan school of the turn at the 15th century. An example is the iconographical type representing Christ in the Tomb63. Also the Pieta, an icon from the metropolitan church at Curtea de Argeş, refers to prototypes in Cretan painting64.

The frescoes executed in the territories of Moldavia and Wallachia were made by Greek or local painters working in the maniera graeca. Among the earliest are the wall paintings by the unknown Greek painterā in the narthex of the monastery church at Bucovăt65. Of the later cycles, let us mention the wall paintings at Cretuleşti (1669), Brâncoveni (1700), Polovragi (1703), Mogoşoia (1705), Govora, Cozia (1705) and Fedeleşoiu (1708)66. In the 17th century, a Greek painter, Constantin, was working in Wallachian territory; together with the painter Ion, he executed the frescoes in the Doamnei church in Bucharest in 1683, and together with other artists at the monastery in Hurez. The association of many painters under the direction of a Greek artist was undoubtedly favorable for Wallachian painting. It created an opportunity for exchanging experiences and establishing a particular mannerism which Romanian scholarship has identified as the Hurez school.

Fascination with Greek culture in the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth began with the Renaissance, as indicated by books published in the language of the ancient philosophers. At the beginning of the 16th century, the first Greek immigrants appeared, in Lviv and in Ostrog. An important colony of Greeks was established in Zamość, where also artists and writers were invited to settle. The library of the town founder, Jan Zamoyski, boasted a rich set of Greek manuscripts67. The printing shop opened by the Chancellor in 1693 also published books in Greek. The writer Simeon Szymonowic, invited from Cracow, belonged to a group of intellectuals in the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth who were fluent in Greek. In 1604, the works of St. Epiphanios of Salamis were printed in a Latin and Greek bilingual edition. In 1608, an epic poem in Greek by Rhodoman Laurentius commemorating the dead Chancellor was published68. It is worth mentioning that Greek miniature painting of the 17th century developed under the influence of the woodcuts from the old orthodox books from Lviv. The Greek artists who settle in the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth brought with them the artistic concepts worked out by church engravers in the Balkan centers. Matthaios of Myra (1696-1624) was one such intermediary69.

Relations between Moldavia and Wallachia on the one hand and the area of western Ukraine on the other reach back to the times of the first settlements on the Wallachian law. Artistic contacts with Balkan centers were already in existence presumably in the so-called Halič period. Current knowledge is insufficient to say much about them, particularly since few objects have survived from this period70. In Lviv circles, a high tide in artistic contacts with Moldavia and Wallachia was reached in the middle of the 16th century, in consequence of political as much as diplomatic ties, brought about by the rivalry between the old Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Ottoman Porte.

The church of the Dormition (Uspienski) in Lviv, called the Wallachian church, was erected with the financial support of the Moldavian hospodar Alexander II and his wife Roxandra in 1559. The hospodar's letters provide information concerning the official consecration of the church71. A document of 1565 indicates that the ruler also founded a towe72r. In 1571, the church burned down. It was rebuilt from funds provided by the Mohyla family. The archives of the Stauropegion once held a contract for the rebuilding of the church in 1591, according to designs by Paul the Roman73. In 1597, the guild nominated Adalbert Kopinos as second master, a year later Master Ambrose was nominated. In 1603, Philip Teodorovyč the Painter and Prokop Fedorovyč brought with them the money for the renovation of the church. Around 1611, Konstanty Mohyla presented more money to complete the construction work. According to the archival sources, the painting decoration was executed by Greek painters brought from Lviv around 1633. Perhaps these were artists who had come from the Greek colonies settled in Wallachia. It should be remembered, however, that at this time the term "Greek" referred to all those who followed the Byzantine rite. In 1692, the ceiling of the Uspienski church treasury was painted. In the next year, the painter Ivan Konik painted the guild meeting hall. Unfortunately, little can be said of the wall paintings in the church, because they were repainted repeatedly. Future conservation work on these paintings may help in a better understanding of the original decoration. Surviving from the period is the iconostasis made by the Lviv painter Nicholas Petranovyč, who signed a contract for the work in 163874. The entire structure together with the icons is now in the Hriboviči church near Lviv. As both the wood carving and the icons were executed according to Latin models, it falls outside the scope of this article.

The second project in Lviv, also a Moldavian foundation, was the church of Aghia Paraskeva, situated in the suburbs and considered one of the finest local buildings of the first half of the 17th century. It was erected by Vasile Lupu. A tablet on the facade bears the foundation inscription with the Moldavian coat-of-arms. Nothing is known of the wall paintings; perhaps they are concealed under the modern plaster work. The church iconostasis was executed by local artists75. Some of the icons presumably derive from an earlier iconostasis dated to about 1610. Once published, the recent conservation work at several churches in the Ukraine, including the church at Lužany near Černivtsi, will permit a broader discussion of the issues concerning 17th century wall painting.

The so-called Carpathian icons are associated with a region located on the slopes of the Carpathian mountains. The term, introduced by Janina Kłosińska to the icons from the XV and XVI century, has been accepted by some Polish scholars as well as by Czech, Slovak, Hungarian and Romanian researchers76. Ukrainian scholars of the subject, on the other hand, have voiced strong opposition to judge by reviews written twenty years after Kłosińska's publication77. From the art historical point of view the concept is anyhow clear. Icons scattered in Rumanian, Polish, Slovak and Ukrainian collections are frequently so similar that it is possible to speak of a single workshop. One of the common features is a non-iconic treatment of the background coloring. The early icons are often green with the figures dressed in red or green garments, sometimes creating the impression of having been left unfinished. Examples of the kind can be found in both Poland and Rumania. They recall the fresco manner and it can be assumed that the artists came from workshops specializing in the execution of wall paintings. Let us mention, for example, the icon of St. Paraskeva from the collection of the Museum of Art in Bucharest78. In the 15th-century icons, the faces feature a specific manner of painting: a light-brown ochre is employed on an olive-green ground to produce light-and-shadow effects. Only some light effects are obtained with the white pigment that was in common use in the 16th century79. A frequently repeated motif are the large flowers in the shape of stylised lilies, as well as flowers with bell-shaped cups painted in white on a dark olive-green background. Among the iconographical features characteristic of icon painting from the Balkan schools we may mention the presence of the archangels Michael and Gabriel in compositions representing the Hodegetria, for example, in the icon of the Mother of God from the church at Owczary. The artist came probably from a Balkan monastic center. The elongated composition of the Mandilion characteristic of the icons by the Master of Żohatyn, was also found according to Grządziela, in the wall paintings of Moldavia80. This type of object is hardly numerous in the territories of present-day Poland and Ukraine and manuscript illuminations will be of aid in its study. Among the painting of the late 16th century, it is already possible to distinguish a group of icons revealing national traits. The images sometimes contain foundation texts and signatures identifying the artists by name.

Especially important to this discussion is a group of icons originating from a few locations around Krosno in southeastern Poland: The Birth of Mary, St. Simon Stylites, the Hodegetria from Weremien and the Hodegetria from Paniszczów81. All the works were executed in a single workshop and, in my opinion, the artist came from a community of Greek painters active in Wallachia in the middle of the 16th century. As an analogy for the frame ornament of these paintings we may cite the icons from the Simonopetra monastery on Mt. Athos82. Many elements in works exhibit features typical of the painting derived from the Italo-Cretan school, which was represented by many artists working in the monasteries of the Holy Mountain (e.g. Damaskinos), in particular the compositional types, which are frequently distant echoes of Italian art, and the rich coloring with a predominance of red and gold. The representation of Simon the Stylite is especially interesting, and is close to examples found in Balkan painting. In the scene of The Birth of Mary, at the bottom of the composition on the left we see a woman holding a pitcher; she is dressed according to the Italian fashion of the time. Both the dress and the figurative composition is typical of Italo-Cretan painting of the16th century. Artistic sources can also be found in Greek painting of the second half of the 16th century, in connection with Moldavian foundations which are very common on the Athos peninsula.

Not many 17th-century works of importance have survived in left-bank Ukraine. Contemporary literary sources, however, indicate that the first half of the century in Kiev was a period of the great activity in the fine arts. The times of Peter Mohyla featured extensive diplomatic and cultural ties between Moldavia and the Old Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth83. Nominated by King Ladislaus IV to the post of Metropolitan in 1632, Mohyla was instrumental in developing education in schools and printing, not only in Kiev, but also in Iaşi84. He was prominent as a patron of the arts, as an animator of spiritual life in the monasteries, and as a supporter of Orthodox church art development. As frequently evidenced by contemporary chronicles and literary works, he was responsible for the rebuilding of many church buildings: the cathedral of St. Sophia in Kiev, the church of Spas in Berestovo, and most probably the church of the Dormition (Uspenska). There was an equally pronounced development of the arts at Iaşi, the capital of Moldavia, at this time, that is, during the reign of Vasile Lupu. Many churches were built, including the best of them, the church of the Three Hierarch (Trei Ierarhi). A few of the Iaşi churches reveal the architectural features of the "Ukrainian baroque", e.g. the churches of St. Theodore and of St. Demetrius, and the Agapia monastery85. In Kiev this period witnessed a number of painting projects which were entrusted presumably to artists coming from the Balkan Peninsula.

Let us consider what the art of painting might have been like in the times of Peter Mohyla. Paul of Aleppo wrote "that at first the Ukrainian painters in depicting the beauty of the face and the colour of the robes drew upon the portrait painting of European and Polish artists"86.The only painting complex surviving in this entirety, in Kiev is the set of frescoes from the church of the Spas in Berestovo87. The building, which lies outside the defense walls of the Lavra Pecherska monastery, was rebuilt in the 17th century, when it received a new decoration of wall paintings, commissioned by Peter Mohyla. The works were executed by Greek artists as we learn from the inscriptions above the entrance from the narthex to the nave. Above the inscription there is a representation of the Transfiguration; to the left of that, the Mother of God enthroned, and on the right, Christ enthroned according to in the Serbian-Balkan type. The Greek foundation text specifies that the church was rebuilt by Peter Mohyla and the work completed on November 16, 1644. Upon crossing the narthex, one sees above the entrance to the nave a large foundation composition depicting Peter Mohyla kneeling before the enthroned Christ; this is the very important composition in the church. As observed by Platon Bileckij, foundation scenes are not encountered in Western Ukraine in this particular period88. The manner of the founder's portrait recalls the face of Ieremia Mohyla from the wall painting in Suceviţa. In both compositions the continuing tradition of Byzantine art is obvious, but the Kiev painting is the more archaic of the two in view of the kneeling figure of Mohyla. In the nave of the church in Berestovo, on the western wall, the Last Judgement was painted, next to the Washing of the Feet; in the dome, Christ Pantokrator and around him full figures of the Apostles and Evangelists. On the walls of the sanctuary, the saints of the Eastern Church were represented: John Chrysostom, Basil the Great, Gregory Nazianzen, Cyril of Alexandria and Athanasios the Great, Theophanos, Epiphanios, Artemios, and Theodulos. Alongside these figures is a scene of the Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria, and above the scene and the window openings: the Annunciation, the College of Apostles, and the Ascension. The absence of a dome forced some of the paintings to be moved to the vault of the sanctuary. As in Cracow or Lublin, the disposition of the paintings was adapted to the Gothicizing interior, but the closest analogies in the period are to be found only in Moldavia, in Borzeşti, Neamţ, Piatra Neamţ and Iaşi, where many painters from Greek circles were active. Among the Greek analogies to the frescoes in the church in Berestovo, we should mention the murals in the Diochiarious monastery in Athos and the frescoes from the church of St. Nicholas in Veria89. It appears that the artists may have come from Greece through Moldavia, where there were many Greek settlements.

One of the largest sacred building in Kiev was the church of the Dormition (now in reconstruction) in the Lavra Pecherska, which was among the most splendid Byzantine buildings in all of Kievan Ruthenia. The 11th century history of this structure is found in the Pecherskiy Pateryk and its Polish-language version (Paterykon), issued in print in 163590. The interior of the sanctuary was described in a work published by Atanazy Kalnofojski, entitled Teratourgema91. The next mention comes from the journal of an Arab traveller, Paul from Aleppo. The sanctuary was originally square in plan. ďThere were nine high domes in the huge vault, all covered with shining sheet metal with nine small gilded crosses...Ē92. The church was destroyed in the raid of Batu Khan in 1240, after the Tartars took Kiev, and was rebuilt only in the 15th century on the instigation of Prince Symeon Olelkowicz. Paul of Aleppo sees the sanctuary in this form. He is especially interested in the iconostasis. To judge by the description, it was a monumental piece that drew words of admiration from all visitors coming to Kiev. Eric Lassota von Steblau mentions the Uspenski church where ďone may see a fine marble tomb of Prince Konstanty of Ostróg, a courageous hero, father of the present old Kiev voivod...Ē93. This is a reference to the now lost funerary monument of Konstanty Ostrogski, a copy of which is now in the Museum of the Lavra94. In 1718, the Uspenski church was totally destroyed in the conflagration of the Lavra. A year later the decision was made to rebuild the sanctuary and a new decoration was commissioned. Petrow mentions materials that were held in the Lavra in the 19th century, concerning the reconstruction and the execution of paintings inside the church95. These were two 18th century manuscripts that were copies of earlier descriptions of the great church. Based on these iconographical sources and the report by Paul of Aleppo, it turned out possible to reconstruct the iconographic program of the decoration of the Uspenski church facade, here in a drawing prepared by Izabela Lijewska. The chief source were prints found in books issued in the Pecherskaya Lavra in the 17th century. The situation of the windows follows the print by Leon Tarasewicz and is in keeping with Byzantine church architecture. Further work concerned the position of particular scenes on the facade. Particular images are based on the iconographical models provided in prints and painting of the mid 17th century. Here is the description of the facade left by Paul of Aleppo: ďAbove the big doors on the west there is a fresco representing the Dormition, to the right and left the images of two princes, the founders of this church, beside each a tall windowĒ96. The description goes on to cover the upper tiers of the facade, where above the fresco of the Virgin Mary a tree was painted with the saints perching in it. Above this there were three big windows with images of St. Peter and St. Paul in the spaces between them, while the space above them was occupied by the Pechersk saints, Anthony and Theodosius. The tree of Jesse painted thus is to be found in Moldavian paintings on the outside of the church of St. George in Voroneţ, the church of the Annunciation in Moldoviţa, that of St. George in Suceava97. The execution of the vegetal motifs has its source in the ornaments designed by Michael Wolgemut, best known from the Chronicle of the World by Hartman Schedel, published in Nuremberg in 1493, and various copies in Czech and Polish printed books. Paul of Aleppo described also the lateral facades: ďThe wall above the small door [on the right] is decorated with a fresco of the Virgin Mary and angels, who hold a wreath above her head. Above are three windows and still higher up another two, one above the other. This is closed with a brick arch decorated with various ornamental motifs...Ē98. It could have been a representation of the Mother of God as Orans. On the western side of the church above the doorway leading to the baptismal font there was a fresco of John the Baptist. As for the southern wall of the church, frescoes appeared above the second door, where there were two windows with an image of Christ, the Virgin Mary and St. John on the wall between them. There was only one entrance on the north and above the doorway there stood St. Stephen, a rare figure in the Byzantine tradition, connected more with Latin circles, very popular in Hungary and Transylvania. The journal of Paul of Aleppo also contains a description of the iconostasis found inside the Uspenski church: ďIt is very big and very old, its top is crowned with a cross, on which Christís loincloth is made of solid gold. The icons next to the door to the altar are of impressive size, especially the image of Our Lord and the Virgin Mary is bigger and finer than the rest, which are in the narthex. There are crowns on their heads and beside them there are many fine objects...Ē99. The crowns, as well as the metal opleče or coverings reflect a Balkan-Byzantine tradition that was assimilated in the Old Polish Commonwealth, not only in the Orthodox, but also in Catholic circles. The icons in the narthex mentioned by Paul of Aleppo represented Christ and the Virgin Mary, and were probably of 17th century date. The chronicler also mentions an iconostasis of 1622 in the monastery at Hustyn. The icons he compares with Cretan painting. The iconostasis contained icons representing the Pechersk saints, Anthony and Theodosius, as well as a view of the monastery.

An element of Balkan provenance are portraits of founders placed among the icons, although of course their origin should be traced back to the Latin tradition. Foundation portraits are rare in 16th century icon painting in the territories of the Old Polish Commonwealth. In Moldavia and Wallachia earlier examples are known, suggesting that albeit of Latin origin, the custom must have come from the Greek tradition. In Post-Byzantine painting, the oldest icons with portraits of founders come from Cyprus, where they are dated to the turn of the 15th century100. Similar examples of icons can be found in the territory of modern-day Romania. The collection of the Museum of Art in Bucharest includes an icon of the Lamentation from Curtea de Argeş, which is an interesting example of combined Byzantine and Western traditions. In the background we see the person of the founder, while the main scene in itself is a combination of two compositions: the Pietŕ drawn from Latin iconography, borrowed via the Italic-Cretan school, and the Balkan variant of the Deposition. In the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth of the 16th century the foundation icons were placed in the first row. All that most of them contained were inscriptions testifying to the foundation. This kind of text on icons appeared already in the 16th century, and in the 17th it was commonly placed on the antependia below the sanctuary icons. The oldest known foundation icon is the Annunciation by Fedusko from Sambor, made in 1579 and now held in the collection of the Museum of Art in Harkiv101. The founderís coat of arms and a text informing about the founder, as well as the painter of the icon, was found at the bottom. Another icon from the Museum in Rivne represents the Hodegetria; it was founded in 1595 by Anna, the Princess Holszańska, as indicated by the inscription on the bottom margin102. On either side of a central representation, in the panels of the icon, there are images of the prophets together with selected texts. In the parish church of St. Nicholas the Miraculous in Drohiczyn there is another icon representing the Descent of the Holy Ghost103. The foundation text is dated 1668 and identifies the place where the icon was executed. The other icon from the church in Drohiczyn depicts the Virgin Mary and Child and next to them on the left the figure of a kneeling nobleman. The image of the Mother of God here is of the Hodegetria type and reveals ties with the representation of the Illinska Virgin Mary from Černihiv. Next to the adoring figure of a man there appears an inscription indicating that the icon was offered to the sanctuary of the Holy Trinity in 1640 by someone who is identified only by his initials, M.C.L. The work was executed presumably among the same group of artists, one of whom was responsible for the icon painted for the Paraskeva Piatnicka church in Lviv. In 1666 Demian Roewicz made the iconostasis for Kamionka in Wallachia; single icons from this monument are now held in the collection of the National Museum in Lviv. The icon representing the Holy Trinity and Abraham has the artistís signature in the lower right corner. Examples of this kind become increasingly common at the turn of the 17th century104. Some of the icons also had inscriptions in Polish. They frequently comprised very exact data concerning when the icon was executed and by whom.

The next place where foundation icons could be placed in an iconostasis is the Deesis row. This is frequent in the works of Ivan Rutkowicz. On an icon of Christ the Pantokrator between angels and cherubs, with the Virgin Mary and St. John the Baptist, two figures of the founders are to be observed in the lower part. Rutkowiczís other icon bearing the same iconographical model is dated to 1682105. Today, it is found immured in the wall of a church of the Holy Trinity in Potelyč. The inscription on the frame at the bottom identifies the donator, who is Maria, widow of Piotr Korowiec; she is represented with her son. Placing the scene in the Deesis row is associated with the idea of protection, with Mary and St. John the Baptist, shown in prayer as a rule, appearing here in the role of protectors. This custom was probably taken over from wall painting in the presbyteries, where Mary was placed in the presence of Christ enthroned, acting as an intermediary in the foundersí bid to ensure grace for their families. In Moldavia, the Deesis already appears in iconostases of the 16th century106. It is at this time that it appears in a already developed form in the Polish territories, frequently constituting the second tier in iconostases.

A specific kind of foundation were funerary textiles, commissioned by the family of the dead for commemorative purposes. In Moldavia there were two types of these funerary textiles representing the figure of the deceased either standing or lying down. Textiles representing the dead lying with hands crossed in front belong to the older type, which is closer to Byzantine archetypes. An example of this type is the portrait of Symeon Mohyla from the collection of the monastery in Sucaviţa and the portrait of Mertei de Mangop from the museum at the monastery in Putna. The second type of funerary textile is a representation of a standing figure. Here, we can list three portraits: that of Ieremia Mohyla from the monastery in Suceviţa, and those of Basil Lupu and his wife Iona from the Church of Golia in Jassy. The embroidery on the textile of Simeon Mohyla shows him lying on his death bed. This is a hieratic composition that draws on liturgical textiles linked to the eastern funerary rite107. The so-called plaščenica representing Christ lying in the tomb or on a catafalque is a constant element of the Holly Week ritual in the Orthodox Church. It was displayed during the Passover and then placed on the altar until the eve of the Day of Ascension and presumably it was used since very long ago in processions, as suggested by a 16th-century wall painting from Kaisarieni near Athens, depicting a scene of carrying a textile of this kind108. Perhaps the embroideries with the images of the Moldavian rulers were intended for the same purpose and accompanied the funeral procession, during which the coffin with the body of the dead person was carried into the church during the funeral. In the church at Voroneţ there is a mural representing the entry of the coffin with the relics of St. John the New to Suceava. Here we see decoration that imitates a textile109. Similar images may be found on icons from the Carpathian region, as exemplified by the scene of the moving of the coffin of St. Nicholas from Myra to Bari, depicted on a number of icons in the collection of the Historical Museum in Sanok110. Paul of Aleppo, who accompanied the patriarch Makarios on the journey to Moldavia and Ukraine, described a funeral taking place in an Orthodox church during a funerary service. It is known that funerary custom anticipated the adoration of the deceased in the temple; perhaps then, after the ceremonies, the textile was hung on the wall as a kind of epitaph. In Orthodox theology death is called ďfalling asleepĒ. Hence, on the Moldavian tapestries we see the figures as if in a deep sleep, only the inscription and the crossed arms indicate the actual state. According to the teachings of the Eastern Church, a part of the human being falls asleep, while another part remains conscious. The being loses some of its psychic capabilities connected with the body, the senses, as well as the ability to act in time and space. In the upper part of the funerary textile of Symeon Mohyla there are two small scenes: The Trinity with Abraham and Descent into the Abyss. Both are a reminder of the resurrection. The three angels announce the coming of the Savior who descended into the abyss to portend the coming of the Day of Judgement.

The textile of Ieremia Mohyla, which belongs to the second type of funerary textile, shows a nobleman recalling in pose the Polish and Hungarian portraits of the times of King Stephen Batory. As Moldavian hospodar, together with the Grand Crown Chancellor Jan Zamoyski, he entered Jassy in 1595, freeing Moldavia from under Turkish domination111. Perhaps we are dealing here with a second version of a work of art that was made after an oil of Polish provenance. Proof is found in an oil portrait of Ieremia Mohyla and his son, now in the collection of the Historical Museum in Kiev112. In composition it is very close to the Suceava textile and perhaps draws on a single model. In both portraits we see some Turkish elements of dress in what Mohyla is wearing. Not only the appliqué design or embroidery imitating an Oriental pattern is of Oriental origin, but also the fine škofia attached to the cap, an ornament of metal wings with real bird feathers attached to it. It is part of a head-dress, which in Ottoman Turkey was the privilege of men made famous in war. The so-called čeleng badge was awarded for merit in war, for courage and achievements, and it usually comprised seven wings of bronze sheet113. Certain scholars have compared Mohylaís portrait with a rendition of Stephen Batory by Marcin Kober. At this point, it is interesting to consider another portrait of the king executed by Jost Amman when Batory was still only voivod of Transylvania114. The pose of the figure is similar and it may possibly be an archetype for the Moldavian textiles.

A separate problem is the position of the textile from Suceviţa among the funerary standards. As far as objects of a church provenience are concerned, there are only a few examples in Poland and, as it turns out, in Moldavia and Ukraine. Placing the portrait of the deceased on the funerary standards makes these objects unique, since funerary standards as such are known from other territories, but they contained merely inscriptions and heraldic elements, occasionally figurative scenes115. The custom of placing portraits on standards comes from the Byzantine East and it was from there probably that it reached Moldavia and, in a slightly different form, was assimilated in the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth. The funerary standards were in essence akin to tombstones. The authors used the same few composition schemes: representations with kneeling figures, figures shown from the knees or en pied, portraits on horseback. These representations were clearly carriers of eschatological themes and as objects connected with the cult of the dead they served as attributes of the knight - soldier of Christ (the Miles Christianus concept). Following this line of reasoning, one may consider the funerary standards as monuments to commemorate the knights, that is, soldiers fighting the enemies of Christianity, a fact frequently reflected in the inscriptions found on them. Purple was a popular color at the funerals of Polish noblemen, where sometimes cloth of this color was used in quantity, the color being considered as appropriate to the seriousness of the occasion, but without any other symbolic meaning attached to it116. In the case of the portrait of Ieremia Mohyla on a textile, there is one other element to observe, namely, the hand that emerges from a cloud in the upper right-hand corner of the composition, above the model of the Orthodox church at Suceviţa. The hand of God bringing light and life is a frequent element in early Byzantine miniature painting117. All of the elements mentioned above, the Byzantine as well as occidental, indicate that Moldavia had become a place where the influence from the East and that from the West mingled freely.

In the Orthodox religious spheres of the Old Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth, the funerary ritual presumably followed the same principles as the funerals of Polish noblemen118. In 1693 the Suceava metropolitan Dositeus died in Žokva. His coffin portrait is known and some scholars attribute it to Tomasz Wiesiołowicz. The funerary ceremonies, which took place in January 1694 at the order of King John III Sobieski, followed the customs of the period119. Unfortunately, the details of the funeral of a high official of the Orthodox Church escape us; however, a few elements connected with this important event for the local community have come down to us, like the said portrait of the deceased. Among the later funerary standards, one should mention the textile from Ulucz. It represents a monk standing at a table. The monk is Joel Maniowski, the jeromonakh and ihumen of the Ulucz120 monastery, who died in 1683. On the back of the standard there is an inscription informing about the functions of the deceased, his date of death (July 17, 1683) and information about the reign of King John III Sobieski. This brings to mind the antimensia, which also provided information about the ruling king121. Most often they represented The Deposition and were linked to the liturgy of the Holy Mass. Initially, these were textiles richly embroidered with golden thread, but they were replaced in time with a print executed on silk, linen or paper122. Including the name of the ruling king is connected with the Byzantine tradition of strong ties between local centers and the seat of the Imperial Church.

Illuminated manuscripts constitute a large group of objects originating from Moldavia123. One of the richest in terms of illustrations is the Psalter now in the monastery at Dragomirna; commissioned by Anastasie Crimcovici124 in 1616, it contains 38 full-page illuminations depicting scenes from the lives of Moses and David. Another manuscript made for Crimcovici is currently in the collection of the Austrian National Library in Vienna125. The decoration of the book is very close to the illuminations in the codex from Dragomirna, where it was probably executed. In the extensive set of illuminated manuscripts once kept in Lviv, these two represent the work of Moldavian scriptoria. Suffice it to mention the Gospel Book from Dragomirna monastery, containing 345 miniature paintings belonging to the same school as the above mentioned codices. The book is one of the finest manuscripts in the cyrillic alphabet now in the collection of the National Library in Warsaw. Prepared on parchment in 1614 by the monk Theophilos from Voroneţ monastery, it was also commissioned by the Moldavian metropolitan, Anastase Crimcovici126. The illuminations executed in body colors and dust gold are the work of the painter Stefan of Suceava and date to 1617. They refer to the illumination as an replica of a Greek manuscript from the collection of the Bibliothčque Nationale de France in Paris127. One of the leaves of the Warsaw codex bears a miniature depicting the Evangelist Matthew together with the kneeling metropolitan Anastasie. The illuminations recall in style the illustrations in the Tetr Gospel, in a manuscript of Ieremia Mohyla, now in the collection of the Historical Museum in Bucharest. The book written in 1595-1600 on order from the Voivod, his wife Elisabeth and son Konstanty, was donated to the monastery in Suceviţa in 1607128. Another manuscript offered by the Voivod Alexander II (known as Alexander Łopuszanin in Polish) is also in the monastery collection129. The illuminations in both the codices were executed by miniature painters originating from the same artistic milieu. Ieremia Mohyla also commissioned manuscripts for the monastery of St. Catherine of Sinai and the Koutloumousiou monastery on Athos. Among the other interesting Moldavian illuminated books, held by the National Library in Warsaw, let us mention the Gospel Book copied in the 14th century and offered two hundred years later by Alexander II to the church of St. John in Przemyśl130. The opening pages of the four Gospels are decorated with body color and gold in the form of vignettes, initials worked in the Balkan style (basketwork), distinguished by precise and painstaking drawing. Another Gospel Book in the collection of the National Library in Warsaw was executed on commission from the Princess Theodora called Dragna as a gift for the Church of St. John in Suceava131. The decoration of the book is also in the Balkan style which prevailed in the works executed in the Moldavian scriptoria. The ornament is constituted by intersecting bands, lines and circles. The vignettes were additionally decorated with vegetal ornament. A common Balkan style also appeared in Moscow manuscripts of a later date and in the decoration of church codices of the Old Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth132. An example in point is the Gospel from Lavriv, a 16th-century manuscript commissioned for the monastery at Lavriv by Prince Michail Michailovich Sanguszko133. The vignettes and initials on the title page of each of the four Gospels were worked in this style, while the margins bore borders with vegetal ornament based on western designs. Compared to the Moldavian manuscripts, the codices made in the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth are not as rich, while the Balkan ornament appears quite frequently in books copied in scriptoria located within the borders of present-day Western Ukraine134. The large set of manuscripts in the collection of the National Library in Warsaw originates from the Library of the Greek Catholic Seminary in Przemyśl.

The export of art to Moldavia is an interesting issue. Strong political ties between Poland and the Moldavian hospodars created opportunities for new artistic ideas to be transferred to the Balkans. An example of a combining of two traditions are the embroidered cloths found in Romanian collections. One of the finest is a funerary tapestry of Ieremia Mohyla bearing a portrait typical of what has come to be termed Sarmathian painting135. A confirmation of the source of inspiration is a portrait in oils of Ieremia with his son, now in the Historical Museum in Kiev.

One should mention printing by the Ukrainian artists in Moldavia. Around 1633, Peter Mohyla sent the printer Timofiej, most probably Timofiej Verbitski, to Wallachia. Two years later, Timofiej published a Trebnik at Campulung (Długopole)136. The title page contains a frame taken from the Kiev edition of the Časoslov of 1625. Also the initials in the printed book were made from Kiev blocks. In this edition we find a woodcut depicting the Dormition of the Virgin Mary. In the same year, a Psalter in Romanian was published in the Govora monastery in Wallachia137. The woodcut representing King David found in this book was printed from the same block from which the Kiev edition woodcuts were printed. It had undergone some retouching, the "LM" monogram and the date 1628 having been removed and the drawing of the king's face and a part of the background having been improved. What is surprising is that the same block was used again in 1640, this time by the printers in Lavra Pecherska: either the woodcut block had returned to Kiev after the printers, shop had been closed down or the Psalter in Romanian was also printed in Kiev. This issue will be addressed following a brief examination of subsequent copies, especially with reference to the watermarks and letter type.

In 1642, a council was called in Iaşi to discuss the Orthodox principles of faith written by Cyril Lukaris. This meeting helped to tighten the relations between the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth, Moldavia and Wallachia. At this time, on the initiative of Vasile Lupu, a printers, shop was established in the Holy Trinity monastery in Iaşi. It was equipped with elements brought from Kiev and Lviv. The ihumen of the monastery was Sofronij Počaskij, former rector of the College in Kiev. In 1643, the Gospel (Carte de îvâţaturâ) was published, including illustrations by the monk Ilya, one of the most prolific church engravers of the 17th century. Oksana Jurchyshyn Smith has established many interesting facts concerning the life of this artist138. The first edition of the Služebnik appeared in 1646 and was illustrated with three woodcuts depicting the Church Fathers, Basil, John Chrysostom and Gregory139. The author of these engravings used the earlier versions included in a Služebnik published by the printers at the Lavra Pečerska in 1620. He reduced the composition slightly, concentrating on lightening the decoration of the robes and on eliminating the vegetation beneath the feet of the saints.

In the Moldavian manuscripts also there are illuminations copying the engravings of the Kiev edition. Let us mention here the illuminations contained in the Služebnik, influenced by the Kiev woodcutting art of the first half of the 17th century140. In these manuscripts, the miniatures depicting the Church Fathers were copied from Kiev copper engravings. In 1652, another version of the Služebnik called Indreptarea Legia was printed at Tîrgovişte141. It contained three subsequent copies of the Kiev engravings, executed by Fedor Petru who signed his pieces with the "FP" monogram. Compared to the earlier Moldavian woodcuts, the artist altered only the decoration on the liturgical robes and the ornaments on the border surrounding the composition. Engravings also helped to introduce various iconographical motifs into Romanian painting.

The examples of painting from Orthodox Church enclaves in the Old Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth and Moldavian territories mentioned here, as well as the artistic relations between Iaşi and Suceava on one hand and Lviv and Kiev on the other, indicate a research problem and the direction future scholarship should take. The rich historical sources represented by the archives of Lviv will help in studying particular objects. The publication of collection catalogues continues to be a pressing need, especially with respect to the Ukrainian museums. In Romanian collections, many icons are in need of cleaning in order to recover the original painting layers. The same is true of the wall paintings in Ukrainian territory. Recent conservation work has revealed many new facts. Romanian historical research, which is extensive and of great interest, remains practically unknown outside the country and vice versa, the findings of Polish and Ukrainian art historians are as little known to Romanian scholars. I hope that with this article I have been able to draw attention to issues concerning the history of post-Byzantine art in Central Europe and that the discussion will serve to stimulate comparative studies in this field.

Translated by Iwona Zych

 


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Notes


1 N. Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance. Continuation de líhistoire de la vie byzantine, Bucarest 1925, p. 5-13.
2 Cf. L. Kotsí-Hryhorchuk, Napysy na tvorah ukrajinsíkoho seredníovičnoho malarstva (Linhvične ta paleohrafične atrybituvannia), Zapysky Naukovoho Tovarystva imeni T. Ševčenka, vol. CCXXI, Lviv 1990, p. 210-235; Idem, Napisy na ikonah Bohorodyci-Odihitriji z prorokamy, [in:] Bohorodycja i ukrajinska kultura. Tezy dopovidej i povidomlení Mižnarodnoji konferenciji 14-15 hrudnia 1995 r., Lviv 1995, p. 26-28.
3 W. Deluga, The Influence of Prints on Painting in Eastern Europe, Print Quarterly, vol. X, London 1993, no. 3, p. 219; Idem, Etudes comparatives de la peinture postbyzantine en Europe Centrale, Byzantino-slavica, vol. LV, Praha 1994, no. 2, p. 336-346.
4 There is complete freedom on this question. Many authors, especially the Ukrainians, tend to very early dating. Cf. V. Aleksandrovyč, Ukrajinsíke maljarstvo XIII- XV st., Lviv 1995, p. 7-76; Z. Otkovyč, Ikona ďBohorodycja OdyhitrijaĒ kin. XIII- poč. XIV st. z Uspensíkoi Tserkvy sela Dorohobuž na Rivnenščyni zi zbirki Rivnensíkoho Kraeznavčoho Muzeju (sproba atrybucii), [in:] Volynsíka ikona: pytannia istoriji vyvčennia, doslidžennia ta restavraciji. Tezi i materialy naukovoji Konferenciji, prysviatščenoji 90-ritčiu P.M. Žoltovsíkoho, Luck 1994, p. 28- 30.
5 H. Bilewicz, Bizantyńsko-ruskie malowidła lubelskie w świetle prac cesarskiej Komisji Archeologicznej z Petersburga, [in:] Nacjonalizm w sztuce i historii sztuki 1789-1950, Warszawa 1998, p. 71.
6 Wystawa Archeologiczna Polsko-Ruska urządzona we Lwowie w roku 1885, Lwów 1886.
7 M. Sokołowski, Studia i szkice z dziejów sztuki i cywilizacji, vol. I, Kraków 1899, p. 472. Cf. R. Majkowska, Z korespondencji Mariana Sokołowskiego z Władysławem Łozińskim w latach 1874-1908, Rocznik Biblioteki Polskiej Akademii Nauk w Krakowie, vol. XXXII, Kraków 1987, p. 109-113.
8 Sygma [W. Łoziński], Malarstwo cerkiewne na Rusi, Kwartalnik Historyczny, vol. I, Lvov 1887, no. 2, pp. 149-209. Łozińskiís original papers are held in the collection of the Historical Archives in Lviv, Fond. no. 135.
9 I. Šaranievič, Katalog arheologicčeskogo-bibliografičeskoj vystavki Stavropigijskago Instituta v Lvove, Lvov 1888.
10 The Vasyl Stefanyk Library in Lviv, Fond. Šar. 1-19.
11 Jubilejnoe izdanie w pamiatí 300 lietnago osnovanija Lvoskogo Stavropigijskogo Bractva, Lvov 1886.
12 The Historical Archives in Lviv, Fond. 29. Op. I.
13 M. Sokołowski, op. cit., p. 375-531.
14 W. Podlacha, Malowidła ścienne w cerkwiach Bukowiny, Lwów 1912.
15 Idem, Abendländische Einflusse in den Wandmalereien grechisch-orientalischen Kirchen in der Bukowina. Byzantine Kunst der Neuzeit, Zeitschrift für Christliche Kunst, vol. XXIV, Düsseldorf 1911, no. 7, p. 199-220; Idem, Anderungen in der Ikonographie, Zeitschrift... , vol. XXIV, Düsseldorf 1911, no. 8, p. 243-252; Idem, Anderungen in der Formengebung, Zeitschrift... , vol. XXIV, Düsseldorf 1911, no. 9, p. 271-286.
16 J.D. Stefănescu, L'évolution de la peinture religieuse en Bucovine et en Moldavie. Nouvelles recherches, Paris 1929; V. Vătăsianu, Pictura murală din nordul Moldovei, Bucureşti 1974; V. Draguţ, Pictura murală din Moldova. Sec. XV-XVI, Bucureşti 1982.
17 P. Henry, Les églises de la Moldavie du Nord et origines ŕ la fin du XVe sičcle. Architecture et peinture, Paris 1930.
18 J. Pileński, Halicz w dziejach sztuki średniowiecznej, Kraków 1914, pp. 129-148.
19 M. Mozdyr, Protokoly ĄTovarystva Ohrony Ukrajinsíkoji Staryny u LvoviĒ vid 1914 roku, [in:] Zapysky Naukovoho Tovarystva imeni Ševčenka, vol. CCXXXVI, Lviv 1998, p. 550-554.
20 I. Swěnzizkyj, Die Ikonenmalerei der galizischen Ukraine XV- XVIJhs., Lwów 1928; Idem, Ikonopys Halycíkoji Ukrajiny XV- XVI vv., Lviv 1928.
21 M. Holubecí, Ukrajinsíkie maljarstwo XVI-XVII st. pid pokrovom Stavropihiji. Zbirnyk Lvivsíkoji Stauropihiji, vol. I, Lviv 1921; Idem, Načerk istoriji ukrajinsíkoho mystectva, vol. I, Lviv 1922; W. R., Zaloziecky, Ikonensammlung an der Griechisch-katholischen Theologischen Akademie in Lemberg, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, vol. X, Wien 1935, p. 70-77.
22 T. Mańkowski, Lwowski cech malarzy w XVI i XVII wieku, Lwów 1936, p. 81. Other scholars have remarked upon the same: N. Jorga, Choses díOrient et de Romanie, Bucarest, Paris 1923; O. Górka, Stan badań i zadania historiografii stosunków polsko-rumuńskich, Lwów 1925.
23 Theodoreşcu R., Maniérisme et le Ąpremier baroqueĒ postbyzantin entre Pologne et Stamboul. Le cas moldave (1600- 1650), Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik, [=XVI Internationaler Byzantinisten Kongress. Akten II/ 6], vol. XXXVI, Wien 1982, no 6, p. 341-351; Idem, Gusturi şi atitudini baroce la români în secolul al XVII-lea. Note liminare, Studii şi cercetări de istoria artei. Seria Artă Plastică, vol. XXX, Bucureşti 1983, p. 3-11; Idem, Synchronismes européens et disparités locales: le baroque roumain aux 17e - 18e sičcles, Revue Roumaine díhistoire de líart. Serie Beaux-Arts, vol. XXVII, Bucarest 1990, p. 35- 56.
24 B. Janusz, Zabytki mołdawskie we Lwowie, Wiadomości konserwatorskie. Miesięcznik poświęcony zabytkom sztuki i kultury, vol. I, Lwów 1924, no 2, p. 52-64.
25 M. Walicki, Malowidła ścienne kościoła św. Trójcy na zamku w Lublinie, 1418 rok, [Studia do dziejów sztuki w Polsce, vol. III], Warszawa 1930; A. Marsówna, Freski ruskie w katedrze w Sandomierzu, Sprawozdania Polskiej Akademii Umięjetnosci, vol. XXXVI, 1931, no 6, p. 7-10; C. Osieczkowska, Les peintures byzantines de Lublin, Byzantion, vol. VII, Bruxelles 1932, p. 241-252.
26 J.B. Konstantynowicz, Ikonostasy XVII w. w granicach dawnych diecezji: przemyskiej, bełskiej i chełmskiej. Próba charakterystyki, vol. II (photograph album), Sanok 1930. Vasyl Stefanyk Library, Print Room, inv. no. 4664. The manuscript is held in the University Library in Lviv, the Folk Architecture Museum in Sanok and in private hands.
27 Idem, Ikonostasis. Studien und Forschungen, vol. I, Lwów 1939.
28 W. Stefanyk Library in Lviv, Fond. UK. 5-65.
29 A. Rózycka-Bryzek, Bizantyńsko-ruskie malowidła w kaplicy zamku lubelskiego, Warszawa 1983 (with extensive bibliography); Idem, Polish Medieval Art in Relation to Byzantium and Rusí, Nuovi Studii Storici, vol. XVII, Roma 1992, p. 355-375; Idem, Bizantyńsko-ruskie malowidła w Polsce wczesnojagiellońskiej: problemy przystosowań na gruncie kultury łacińskiej, [in:] Polska-Ukraina 1000 lat sąsiedztwa. Studia z dziejów Chrześcijaństwa na pograniczu kulturowym i etnicznym, vol. II, Przemyśl 1994, p. 307-326.
30 P.M. Žołtowskyj, Monumentalnyj žyvopys na Ukrajini XVII-XVIII st., Kyjiv 1988. The following of the works by Ukrainian scholars deserve attention: G. Logvyn, L. Miliaeva, W. Svencicicka, Ukrainskij sredniovičnyj žywopys, Kyjiv 1976, S. Hordynsky, Die ukrainische Ikone 12. bis 18. Jahrhundert, Munchen Graz 1981, V.A. Ovsijčuk, Ukrajinskie mystectvo druhoj polovyny XVI - peršoj polovyny XVII st., Kyjiv 1985; V. Aleksandrovyč, Lvisíki malari kinca XVI stolittia, Lviv 1998.
31 M. Sabados, La peinture díicônes au temps de Pierre Rareş, Revue roumaine díhistoire de líart, vol. XXXI, Bucarest 1994, p. 29-71.
32 M. Porumb, Die rumänische Malerei in Siebenbürgen, Bucureşti 1981
33 V. Draguţ, Arta gotica in Romania, Bucureşti 1979.
34 C. Nicolescu, Icoane vechi romăneşti, Bucureşti 1971; Idem, Icones roumaines, Bucarest 1971; Idem, Icones roumaines de tradition byzantine, Zbornik Narodnog Muzeja, vol. IX-X, Beograd 1979, p. 439-454; C. Costea, Catalogul icoanelor din secolele XVI- XVIII din Muzeul Antim, Bucureşti 1978 (manuscript); Idem, Unpublished Works to Complete the Catalogue of wallachian Painting in the Sixteenth Century, Revue Roumaine díhistoire de líart. Serie Beaux-Arts, vol. XXVII, Bucarest 1990, p. 19-33; Idem, Pictura in Moldova sub distintia Movilestilor, Cluj-Napoca 1999 (manuscript, University Library in Cluj-Napoca) M. E. Sabados, Pictura per lemn in Moldova in seculul XVI, Cluj-Napoca 1999 (manuscript, University Library in Cluj-Napoca) E. C. Buculei, Menologul in pictura murala din Ţăra Româneasca, Cluj-Napoca 1999 (manuscript, University Library in Cluj-Napoca).
35 R. Brykowski, T. Chrzanowski, M. Kornecki, Sztuka Rumunii, Wrocław 1979. Cf. M. E. Enăcescu, Comptes rendu, Revue roumaine díhistoire de líart, vol. XVII, Bucarest 1980, p. 144; Idem, Recenzii şi note de lectura, Studii şi cercetări de istoria artei. Seria artă plastică, vol. XXVII, Bucureşti 1980, p. 179.
36 S. Tkáč, Ikony zo 16-19 staročia na severovýchodnom Slovensku, Bratislava 1980; A. Frický, Ikony z východného Slovenská, Košice 1971; H. Skrobucha, Ikonen aus Tschechoslowakei, Prague 1971; M. Keleti, Ikony 16.-18. století na Slovensku. Národní galerie v Praze, Jiřský klášter, Praha 1984; V. Grešlík, L. Panigaj, Ikony Šariškého músea v Bardejove, Bratislava 1994.
37 B. Puskás, Intenszülő a gyermek Jézussal-ábrázolászok az Északkelet-Karpátok vidékének ikonjain, Művészettörténeti Értesítő, vol. XXXVII, Budapest 1989, no. 1-4, p. 66-97; Idem, ĄA győzemmmel hasonnevűĒ. Szent Miklós ikonográfiájához a 15-16 századi Kárpát-vidéki ikonok alapján, Annale de la Galerie Nationale Hongroise, Budapest 1991, p. 249-254.
38 R. Biskupski, Deesis na jednym podobraziu w malarstwie ikonowym XV i pierwszej polowy XVI wieku, Materiały Muzeum Budownictwa Ludowego w Sanoku, vol. XXIX, Sanok 1986, p. 106-127; Idem, Ikony w zbiorach polskich, Warszawa 1991; Idem, Ikonen uit Polen. Oenkraiense ikonen uit verzameling van her Muzeum Historyczne te Sanok, Uden 1991.
39 M. P. Kruk, Stan badań nad zachodnioruskim malarstwem ikonowym XV- XVI wieku, [in:] Sztuka Kresów Wschodnich, vol. II, Kraków 1996, p. 29-55; Idem, Stan badań nad atrybutami warsztatowymi zachodnioruskiego malarstwa ikonowego XV- XVI w., [in:] Łemkowie i łemkoznawstwo w Polsce, [=Prace Komisji Wschodnioeuropejskiej, vol. V], Kraków 1997, p. 163- 177.
40 V. Aleksandrovyč, Epilog lvivsíkoho seredovišča malariv virmensíkoho pochodženia. Majstry seredyny XVII- peršoji tretyny XVIII st., Ukrajina v mynulomu, vol. VIII, Kyjiv 1996, p. 136-150.
41 J. Kłosińska, M. Zinovieff, Icones de Pologne, Varsovie, Paris 1987, no. 9.
42 V.I. Sviencicka, O.F. Sydor, Spadščyna vikiv. Ukrajinsíke maliarstvo XIX- XVIII stolit u muzejnych kolekcijach Lvova, Lviv 1990, p. 58, no. 55.
43 W. Deluga, The Influence of Dutch Graphic Archetypes on Icon Painting in the Ukraine, 1600- 1750, Revue des études sud-est européenes, vol. XXXIV, Bucarest 1996, no. 1-2, p. 5-26.
44 R. Biskupski, Ikony ze zbiorów Muzeum Historycznego w Sanoku, Warszawa 1991, p. 132, no. 66.
45 V.I. Sviencicka, O.F. Sydor, op. cit., p. 54, no. 29
46 A. Różycka-Bryzek, Bizantyńsko-ruskie malowidła w Polsce wczesnojagiellońskiej: problem przystosowań na gruncie kultury łacińskiej, [in:] Polska Ukraina 1000 lat sąsiedztwa. Studia z dziejów chrześcijaństwa na pograniczu etnicznym, vol. II, Przemyśl 1994, p. 307-326 (Bibliography); Idem, Polish Medieval Art in Relation to Byzantium and Rusí, Nuovi Studii Storici, vol. XVII, Roma 1992, p. 355-375.
47 Idem, Program ikonograficzny malowideł cerkwi w Posadzie Rybotyckiej, [in:] Symbolae historiae artium. Studia z historii sztuki Lechowi Kalinowskiemu dedykowane, Warszawa 1996, p. 349-365. Cf. Z. Beiersdorf, Cerkiew obronna w Posadzie Rybotyckiej, pow. Przemyśl, Kwartalnik architektury i urbanistyki, vol. XIII, Warszawa 1968, p. 5-13.
48 A. Różycka-Bryzek, Program ikonograficzny malowideł ..., p. 364.
49 Cf. H. Belting, An Image and its Function in the Liturgy: The Man of Sorrows in Byzantium, Dumbarton Oaks Paper, vol. XXXIV-XXXV, 1980-1981, p. 1-15.
50 W.A. Owsijczuk, Ukrajinśke mystectwo, Kyjiw 1985, p. 114.
51 Lietuvos architekturos istorija, vol. I, Vilnius 1988, p. 154; Architektura gotycka w Polsce, red. T. Mroczko, vol. II, Warszawa 1995, p. 156, 218-219.
52 W. Sekuda, Supraśl. Zespół klasztorny pobazyliański. Ekspozycja wnętrz refektarza i kaplicy w dawnym pałacu Archimandrytów, Białystok 1976, p. 6.
53 L. Lebiedzińska, Freski z Supraśla. Katalog wystawy, Muzeum Okręgowe w Białymstoku, Białystok 1968. Cf. J. Wiśniewski, Freski z Supraśla. Katalog wystawy, opr. Ludmiła Liebiedzińska, Biuletyn Historii Sztuki, vol. XXXII no 1, p. 93-94.
54 A. Siemaszko, Malowidło ścienne cerkwi Zwiastowania w Supraślu, Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prace z historii sztuki, vol. XXI (MCLXXIII), Kraków 1995, p. 13-64.
55 S. Stawicki, Szkice z dziejów unickiego klasztoru w Supraślu w świetle ĄKroniki Ławry SupraslskiejĒ, Biuletyn konserwatorski województwa białostockiego, vol. I, Białystok 1995, p. 30. Some scholars identify the painter with the author of a Serbian treatise on wall and icon painting that was written down in 1599. Cf. N. J. Petrov, ĄTipikĒ o cerkownom i nastennom pisímie, [in:] Zapiski Imperatorskogo Russkogo Arheologičeskogo Obščestva, vol. XI, no 1-2, St. Peterburg 1899.
56 P. Mohyła, Lithos abo kamień z procy prawdy Cerkwie Świętej Prawosławnej Ruskiej. Na skruszenie Falecznociemnej Perspektiwy albo raczej Paszkwilu od Kassiana Sakowicza, byłego przedtym kiedyś Archimandrytę Dubienieckiego... jakoby o błędach, Haerezjach i zabobonach Cerkwie Ruskiej w uniej nie będącej, tak w Artikułąch Wiary jako w Administrowaniu Sakramentów i innych obrządkach i ceremoniach znajdujących się, Roku P. 1642 w Krakowie wydanego... , w Monastyru Świętej i Cudotwornej Ławry Pieczarskiej Kijowskiej, Anno Domini 1644, p. 365. National Library in Warsaw, sygn. XVII 31692.
57 M. Monoussacas, Structure sociale de líhellénisme post-byzantin, Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik, vol. XXXI, [= XVI Internationale Byzantinistenkongress. Wien, 4.- 9. Oktober 1991. Akten], Wien 1981, no. 2, p. 791-821.
58 Cf. Embrikos, Líécole crétoise. Derničre phase de la peinture byzantine, Paris 1967.
59 A. Somogyi, Kunstdenkmäler die griechischen Diasporen in Ungarn, Thessaloniki 1970; C. Papacostea Danielopolu, Líorganisation de la compagne grecque de Brasov (1777- 1850), Balcan Studies, vol. XIV, Thessaloniki 1973, p. 313-323.
60 N. B. Tomakis, Les communautés helléniques en Autriche, Festschrift zur 200-Jahrfeier der Oesterreichischen Haus-, Hof-, und Staatsarchivs, vol. II, Wien 1952, p. 452- 461.
61 P. Ş. Nasturel, Le Mont Athos et les Roumains. Recherches sur leurs relations du milieu du XIV sičcle a 1654, [Orientalia Christiana Analecta, vol. CCCXXVII], Roma 1986, passim.
62 Cf. A. Camariano-Cioran, LíEpire et les pays romain. Contribution ŕ líhistoire des relations gréco-roumaines, Ioannina 1984.
63 V. Florea, Istoria artei româneşti veche şi medievală, Chişinău 1991, p. 316il.
64 Ibid., p. 341il.
65 E. Cincheza-Buculei, Sur la peinture du nartex de líéglise du monastčre de Bucovăt (XVe sičcle): presence díun peintre grec Ignoré, Revue roumaine díhistoire de líart. Serie Beaux-Arts, vol. XXVI, Bucureşti 1989, p. 11-26.
66 Cf. A. Vasiliu, Brancovan Mural Painting and several Aspects related to Greek Postbyzantine Art. I, Revue roumaine díhistoire de líart. Serie Beaux-Arts, vol. XXIV, Bucarest 1987, p. 3-18; Idem, Brancovan Mural Painting and several Aspects related to Greek Postbyzantine Art. II, Revue roumaine díhistoire de líart. Serie Beaux-Arts, vol. XXV, Bucarest 1988, p. 45- 62.
67 H. Kocówna, K. Muszyńska, Inwentarz rękopisów Biblioteki Ordynacji Zamojskiej, Warszawa 1967, nos 57, 58, 125, 132, 142, 155, 156, 157.
68 S. Myka, Drukarnia Akademii Zamojskiej, jej dzieje i wydawnictwa, Zamość 1994, p. 52, no. 7 and p. 55, no. 11.
69 O. Gratziou, Die dekorierten Handschriften des Schreibers Matthaios von Myra (1596-1624). Untersuchungen zur griechischen Buchmalerei um 1600, Athens 1982, p. 32-34.
70 W. Jarema, Dyvnyj svit ikon, Lviv 1994, p. 45.
71 Historical Archive in Lviv, Fond 29, op. I, nos. 24-26. Cf. I. S. Svencickij, Opisí Muzeja Stauropigijskago Instytuta vo Lvovie, Lvov 1908, nos. 29-31, 36.
72 Jubilejnoe izdanie v pamiatí 300 letniago osnovanija Lvovskogo Stavropigijskogo Bratcva, Lvov 1886, nos. XVII, XIX.
74 W. Łoziński, Sztuka lwowska XVI i XVII wieku. Architektura i rzeźba, Lwów 1901, p. 51.
74 Jubilejnoje izdanje..., no. VI. According to Aleksandrovyč, work on the iconostasis began already in 1616, but in the light of the documents, Petranovyč may have started upon the project only after signing the contract. Cf. V. Aleksandrovyč, Obrazotvorči napriamy v dijalnosti majstriv zachidnoukrajinsíkoho malarstva XVI- XVII stolití, Zapysky Naukovoho Tovarystva imeni T. Ševčenka, vol. CCXXVII, Lviv 1994, p. 67.
75 V. Aleksandrovyč, Ikonostas Píiatnickoji cerkvy u Lvovi, [in:] Lviv. Istoryčni narysi, Lviv 1996, p. 103-144.
76 J. Kłosińska, Ikony, Kraków 1973.
77 L. Koc Hryhorčuk, Nove pro najdavniši zrazy ukrajinsíkoho ikonopysu, Narodna tvorčistí ta etnohrafija, Kyjiv 1991, no. 4, p. 59-68; V. Ovsijčuk, Janina Kłosińska, Ikony- Kraków 1973, Zapysky Naukovoho Tovarystva imeni T. Ševčenka, vol. CCXXVII, Lviv 1994, p. 471- 478.
78 Romanian Icons, 16th- 18th century. Byzantine Museum 29 March- 29 April 1993, Athens 1993, p. 99, no. 36.
79 R. Grządziela, Twórczość Malarza ikon z Żohatyna, Folia Historiae Artium, vol. X, Warszawa 1974, p. 75.
80 Idem, Prowieniencja i dzieje malarstwa ikonowego po północnej stronie Karpat w XV i na pocz. XVI w., [in:] Łemkowie w historii i kulturze Karpat, vol. II, Sanok 1994, p. 247.
81 R. Biskupski, Ikonen uit Oekraiense ikonen uit de verzameling van het Muzeum Historyczne te Sanok, Uden 1991, nos. 20-22, 24.
82 Simonopetra. Mount Athos, Athens 1991, il. 121, 122.
83 Cf. E. Smurlo, Le Saint Sičge et líOrient Orthodoxe russe (1609-1645), Prague 1924.
84 A. Jobert, De Luther ŕ Movila. La Pologne dans la crise de la chrétienté 1517- 1648, [Collection Historique de líInstitute díÉtudes Slaves, vol. XXI], Paris 1974, p. 367. Cf. M. Cazanu, Pierre Mohyla (Petru Movila) et la Roumanie. Essai historique et bibliographique, Harvard Ukrainian Studies, vol. VIII, Cambridge Mass. 1984, no. 1-2, p. 188-222.
85 A. Dobjanschi, V. Simion, Arta in epoca lui Vasile Lupu, Bucuresti 1979, p. 26-52.
86 Ukraina w połowie XVII wieku w relacji arabskiego podróżnika Pawła, syna Makarego z Aleppo, wstęp, tł. Komentarz M. Kowalska, Warszawa 1986, p. 62.
87 P. Žoltovsíkyj, Monumentalnyj žyvopisí na Ukrajini XVII- XVIII st., Kyjiv 1988, p. 13-15; H. Skop-Druziuk, L. Skop, Do problemu fundaciji Petrom Mohyloju rozpisiv 1644 v hrami Spasa na Berestovi, [in:] Petro Mohyla i sučastnistí (Do 400-riččja vid dnia narodženija). Zbirnik vmiščuje tezovyj vyklad dopovidej i povidomlení učastnikiv mižnarodnoj konferenciji, Kyjiv 1996, p. 42-43.
88 P. Biletskij, Ukrainskaja portretnaja živopisí XVII- XVIII v., Leningrad 1981, p. 32.
89 Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Art. Athens. Old University July 26th - January 6th 1986, Athens 1985, p. 64, no. 67.
90 Paterykon abo żywoty SS Ojców Pieczarskich obszyrnie słowieńskim językiem przez Świętego Nestora Zakonnika i Latopisca Świętego Ruskiego przedtym napisany. Teraz zaś z graeckich , łacińskich, słowiańskich i polskich pisarzów objaśniony, i krócej podany. Przez Wielebnego w Bogu Ojca Silvestra Kossowa, Episkopa Mścisławskiego, Orszańskiego i Mohylewskiego, W Kijowie ... 1635..., p. 25. The National Library in Warsaw, XVII. 3.2416.
91 A. Kalnofojski, Teratourgema lubo cuda, które były tak w samym święto cudownym Monastyru Pieczarskim Kijowskim, jako i w obudwu świętych Pieczarch, w których po woli Bożej błogosławieni ojcowie Pieczarscy pożywszy i ciężary ciał swoich złożyli..., w drukarni Kijowo Pieczarskiej Roku P. 1638, p. 15. The National Library in Warsaw, XVII. 31934.
92 Ukraina w połowie XVII wieku..., p. 53.
93 E. Lasota, E. von Steblau, Opisy Ukrainy, Warszawa 1972, p. 55.
94 Historical Archives in Kiev, Fond 301, doc. no. 216.
95 N. Petrov, Obí uprazdniennoj stenopisi velikoj cerkvi Kiewo-Piečerskoj lavry, Trudy Kievskoj Duchovnoj Akademii, Kiev apriel 1900, p. 593.
96 Ukraina w połowie XVII wieku..., p. 53.
97 W. Podlacha, Malowidła ścienne..., p. 122-126.
98 Ukraina w połowie XVII wieku..., p. 55
99 Ibid., p. 55.
100 A. Papageorgiou, Ikonen aus Zypern, München 1969, p. 108-113.
101 M. Helytovyč, Fedusko malar iz Sambora, Rodovid, vol. XII, Kyjiv 1995, s, 72-74; L. Milaewa, Die ukrainische Ikonen, Sankt Petersburg 1996, p. 144-145.
102 Inv. no. RKM VIII-ż- 50. Cf. W. Łuć, Datowani wołynśki ikony XVI- perszoji połowyny XVIII st. u kołekciji Riwnenśkoho Krajeznawczoho Muzeju, [in:] Wołynśka ikona. Pytannia istoriji wywczennia, doslidżennia ta restawraciji. Tezy ta materiały II Miżnarodnoji naukowoji konferenciji m. Lućk, 29 łystopada- 1 hrudnia 1995 roku, Lućk 1995, p. 51.
103 Katalog Zabytków Sztuki. Województwo Białostockie. Siemiatycze, Drohiczyn i okolice, red. M. Kałamajska-Saeed, vol. XII, nr. 1, Warszawa 1996, p. 27, il. 193.


104 O. Sydor, Materialy dla zvedennoho kataloha volynsíkoho ikonopysu (z koleciji Nacionalnoho muzeju u Lvovi), [in:] Volynsíka ikona: pytannia istoriji vyvčennia, doslidžennia ta restavraciji. Materialy naukovoji konferenciji, m. Lucík, 27-28 serpnia 1998 roku, Lucík 1998, p. 96-132.
105 V.I. Svencicka, Ivan Rutkovyč..., p. 80.
106 M.E. Sabados, Iconographia temei Deesis în pictura per lemn din Moldova secolului XV, Studii şi cercetări de istoria artei. Seria artă plastică, vol. XL, Bucureşti 1993, p. 25-40.
107 R. Theodorescu, Portraits brodés et interférences stylistiques en Moldavie pendant la premičre moitié du XVIIe sičcle, Revue des études sud-est européennnes, vol. XVI, Bucarest 1978, p. 687-701.
108 P. Johnston, Byzantine Tradition in Church Embroidery, London 1967, il. 92.
109 P. Comanescu, Voroneţ . Fresken aus 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, Bucarest 1959, il. 156.
110 J. Kłosińska, Icones de Pologne, Varsovie, Paris 1987, il. 59. Funerary textiles were also in use in Arab lands. Cf. E. Lane, The Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, New York 1966, p.

521-522.
111 Z. Spieralski, Awantury mołdawskie, Warszawa 1967, p. 158.
112 Gdzie Wschód spotyka Zachód. Portret osobistości dawnej Rzeczpospolitej 1576-1763. Katalog wystawy. Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie, red. J. Malinowski, Warszawa 1993, p. 365, nr 200.
113 Z. Żygulski, Akcenty tureckie w stroju Batorego, Folia Historiae Artium, vol. XXIV, Wrocław Warszawa 1988, p. 66.
114 S. Komornicki, Essai díune iconographie du roi Etienne Báthory, Cracovie 1935, p. 433, nr 1.
115 Cf. J. Kozina, Polskie chorągwie nagrobne i ich związek z ideą Militis Christiani, Nasza Przeszłość, vol. LXXI, Kraków 1990, p. 238-254; J. Kozina, J.K. Ostrowski, Chorągwie nagrobne, [in:] Sarmatia semper viva. Zbiór studiów ofiarowany przez przyjaciół prof. drowi hab. Tadeuszowi Chrzanowskiemu, Warszawa 1993, p. 91-138.
116 J. Chruścicki, Pompa funebris. Z dziejów kultury staropolskiej, Warszawa 1974.
117 O. Wulff, Die byzantinische Kunst von der ersten Blüte bis zum ihren Ausgang, vol. II, Berlin München 1918, il. 450, 451.


118 The burial rites of representatives of the merchant class in the Polish Commonwealth differed somewhat, Cf.: E. Kizik, Noenia funebris. Pogrzeby w Gdańsku wczesnonowożytnym (XVI-XVIII wiek), [in:] Mieszczaństwo Gdańskie, Gdańsk 1997, s. 287-315.
119 M. Gębarowicz, Szkice z historii sztuki XVII w., Toruń 1966, p. 261.
120 It should be kept in mind that the Skit in Maniawa was connected since 1642 with the monastery at Suceava, Cf. A. Andrejuk, Geneza i dzieje Skitu w Maniawie. Praca magisterska napisana pod kierunkiem Prof. dra hab. M. Bendzy. CHAT, Warszawa 1992 (typescript), p. 11. CHAT Library, no. 16777.
121 I. Gošev, Antiminsyt liturgičesko i cerkovno-arheologičesko izsledovane, Sofia 1925, p. 1.
122 Antimensia are mentioned by Peter Mohyla: Lithos abo kamień z procy..., p. 127
123 Cf. T. Sinigalia, Un manuscrit gréco-roumain enluminé datant de líépoque de Constantin Brâncoveanu, Revue roumaine díhistoire de líart. Série beaux-arts. Vol. XXVI, Bucarest 1989, p. 27-36; Idem, Entre líOrient et líOccident. Les problčmes des premičres miniatures votives des Pays Roumains, Revue roumaine díhistoire de líart. Série beaux-arts., vol. XXVII, Bucarest 1990, p. 3-18; C. Costea, La sfârşitul unui de erudiţie: pictura de icoane în Moldova timpul lui Ieremia Movilă. ďAmbianţia SuceviţeiĒ, Ars Transilvaniae, vol. III, Cluj Napoca 1993, p. 80-82.
124 C. Costea, Ilustraţia manuscriselor slavone în mediul cărturăresc al. Mitropolitului Anastasie Crimcovici. ďPsaltireaĒ (Mănăstirea Dragomirna, cod. Sl. TD6/1934 [354-32]), Studii şi cercetări de istoria artei. Seria artă plastică, vol. XLI, Bucureşti 1994, p. 17-40.


125 C. Costea, Ilustraţia de manuscris în mediul cărturăresc al. Mitropolitul Anastasie Crimcovici. ďApostolulĒ (Vienna, Nationalbibliothek cod. Sl. 6), Studii şi cercetări de istoria artei. Seria artă plastică, vol. XXXIX, Bucureşti 1992, p.41-56.
126 Sztuka iluminacji i grafiki cerkiewnej. Katalog wystawy październik- listopad 1996. Biblioteka Narodowa, Warszawa 1996, p. 45, nr. 7.
127 S. Der Nersessian, Une nouvelle réplique slavone du Paris Gr. 74 et les manuscrits díAnastase Crimcovici, [in:] Mélanges offerts ŕ M. Nicolas Iorga par ses amis de France et des pays de langue française, Paris 1933, p. 695- 725.


128 G. Popescu-Vîlcea, Un manuscris al. Voievodului Ieremia Movilă, Bucureşti 1984, passim.
129 Ibid., p. 5.
131 Sztuka iluminacji i grafiki cerkiewnej..., p. 44, nr. 6.
132 Ibid., p. 45, nr. 8.
133 Ibid., p. 46, nr. 12.
134 Ibid., p. 46, nr. 10.
135 Cf. Ja. Zapasko, Pamiatki knyžkovoho mystectva. Ukrajinsíka rukopysna knyha, Lviv 1995.
136 R. Theodorescu, Portraits brodés et interférences stylistiques en Moldavie pendant la premiere moitié du XVIIe sičcle, Revue des études sud-est européennes, vol. XVI, Bucureşti 1978, nr. 4, p. 587-709; W. Deluga, Portraits de la famille Movilă du XVIIe sičcle, Revue roumaine díhistoire de líart. Série beaux-arts, vol. XXXI, Bucureşti 1994, p. 73-85
137 I. Bianu N. Hodoş, Bibliografia Românéscă veche 1508-1830, vol. I, Bucuresci 1903, p. 103, nr. 35.
138 Ibid., p. 104, nr. 36.
139 Ibid., p. 137-143, nr. 45. Cf. O. Jurčyžyn, Rumunsíkyj period tvorčosti majstra Illi, Almanah, 1994, Lviv 1995, p. 153-156; Cf. D. Morărescu, Ilie Anagoste, the Xylographer of Petru Movilă and Vasile Lupu, Romania Today, vol. VII, Bucureşti 1982, p. 35-36; F. Dudaş, Cazania lui Varlaam în Transilvania, Cluj-Napoca 1983, p. 165-166; Idem, Memoria vechilor cărţi româneşti. Înemnări de deult, Oradea 1990, p. 35-89.
140 I. Bianu N. Hodoş, op. cit., p. 152-155, nr. 49.
141 G. Baluţă, S. Craia, Manuscrise miniate şi ornate din epoca lui Matei Basarab, Bucureşti 1984, p. 61-63, nr. 22, il. XX.
142 I. Bianu N. Hodoş, op. cit., p.190-203, nr. 61.

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