3(10), žŗť-ŤĢŪŁ 2001
Balkan Elements in Orthodox Church Painting of the Post-Byzantine Period in Central Europe
Orthodox church painting in countries of Central Europe, in a region lying at
the intersection of Latin and Byzantine cultures, is exceptionally diversified
culturally and ist highly interesting for comparative studies. Although
scholarly studies were undertaken in the last century, when cataloguing of the
existing remains began in the Galician region, the need for further research
remains. Among the greatest obstacles, I would mention the curiously impassable
barriers of state borders as well as attempts to appropriate the national
character of this art. The "Byzance aprés
Byzance"1 period establishes new scholarly perspectives. It was then, at the
close of the Middle Ages, that the major breakthrough in the iconography of the
Eastern Church took place. At the same time, one easily discerns the
considerable influence that Byzantine art exerted on Latin culture, as indicated
by comparative studies of Christological and Marian representations. One
indication of the artistic homogeneity of post-Byzantine art in Central Europe
is the Slavic church language employed with its particular variants in the old
Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth, as well as in Moldavia and Wallachia.
Inscriptions appearing on the icons are an important element in dating objects
and identifying the artist's language of origin. However, this kind of research
has begun only recently2. I have elsewhere referred to this territory identified
by a common language and common artistic elements as a Little Region3. In the
case of icon painting from Central Europe, there has been much lively discussion,
concerning geographic national attribution, which will probably be continued
over the years; in my opinion, however, the most important issue, requiring
careful study because of the chaos present in this field, is the dating of icons4.
Is it really possible to speak of painting centers in this part of Europe in the
late 13th century? If so, what technical conditions would have had to exist for
such centers, possibly operating in monastic circles, to appear? What was Latin
art of the period like? An equally important issue is the search for the sources
and inspiration of painting in the lands at the crossing of Byzantine and Latin
Important groundwork for studies of Orthodox Church art in the context of
relations between Moldavia and the Old Polish Commonwealth was laid by
institutions that were established in the 19th century within the borders
of the former Austrian Empire. This was the Zentrallkomission zur Erforschung
und Erhaltung der Baudenkmäler, founded in Vienna in 1835, with divisions in
Cracow and Lviv that were established three years later. In 1888, a Polish
Central Archaeological Commission was instituted independently of the Austrian
authorities. The same period saw the founding in St. Petersburg of the Imperial
Archaeological Academy, one of the tasks of which was to conduct research in the
territories incorporated then in the Russian Empire5. Photographic documentation
was another objective; the archives are presently stored at the Archaeological
Institute in St. Petersburg.
In 1885 the First Polish-Ruthenian Archaeological Exhibition was organised in
Lviv, showing the priceless
objects that were held in collections in the Galician capital. An album issued a
year later by Ludwik Wierzbicki and Marian Sokołowski illustrates many of
the objects now in the collection of the National Museum of Ukrainian Art in
Lviv6. The exhibition opened a discussion among scholars on the origins and
development of Orthodox Church painting in the late Middle Ages. Marian Sokołowski
distinguished a painting school in Ruthenia and linked it with Byzantine art7. In
turn, Władysław Łoziński accepted the
dependence of Red Ruthenia on outside influence, linking icon painting with
imports from Greece or Moldavia8.
The next exhibition was prepared on the occasion of a conference of
historians held in Lviv in 1888. It underscored the close ties between Ruthenian
and Moldavian art9. Archaeological
research was carried out in 1880-1887 at Halič. During the same period a
number of scholarly expeditions worked in the field. Their work is represented
by an extremely interesting set of negatives made by Izydor Szaraniewicz,
now in the collection of the National Museum in Lviv, as well as some inventory
records from the Vasyl Stefanyk Library in Lviv10. Numerous letters from the
Stauropegion collection speak of the Lviv-Suceava ties; these letters were
published in 1886 on the 300th anniversary of the order11. Most of these are now
found in the collection of the Historical Archives in Lviv12. Scholars from Lviv
had planned yet another exhibition representing this time the art of the
Bukovina region, to be shown in Lviv
or Černivcy in 1890 on the occasion of the planned conference of Polish
historians. The plan was never put into life, but the idea of studies on the art
of the Polish-Moldavian frontier remained alive among Polish scholars. Sokołowski
published a number of articles that were later issued in
book form13. And in 1912 Władysław
Podlacha published a monograph study of the wall paintings in the Bukovina
Orthodox churches14. The book was the effect of years of
study by this Lviv scholar, the results of which had been published over the
years in the Austrian periodical Zeitschrift für Christliche Kunst15. In
this respect, the interests of Polish scholars turned out to be one with those
of Austrian colleagues and later also Romanian16 and French17 scholars.
The popularity of this region with foreign scholars sparked new research by
Romanian, Polish and Ukrainian scholars. In the early 20th century, Ukrainian
scholars in search for a national identity had the overwhelming need to
nationalise the artistic activity of past
ages. It was then that the so-called Halič school, which Josip Pileński
was in favour of, was distinguished18. The term coined by
the author with regard to medieval Orthodox Church architecture was later
extended to cover painting as well. Polish art historians accepted this
extension. At this time the Stauropegion Institute was established in Lviv
(1905), as was also the Society for the Protection of Ukrainian Antiquities19. A
significant accomplishment was Ilarion Sventsickiís publication of an album of
the icon collection in the Ukrainian Museum in Lviv20. This institution had been
established in 1909 by the metropolitan Andrej Sheptycki. Many studies were
published in Viennese periodicals, e.g., E. A. Kozakís articles on historic
monuments from the Bukovina region and F. Wiekenhauserís works. In Romania,
the Biuletinul Comisiunni Monumentelor Historice was issued regularly by
the Historical Monuments Commission, including several studies on Moldavian art.
Continuing the studies in the 1920s and 1930s were
I. D. Stefanescu, Nikolaj Hołubiec and Volodymir Zaloziecky21. The need for
further research was also underscored by Tadeusz Mańkowski, who wrote that
ď if the influence of the Lviv artistic and cultural circles was such that it
reached Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman empire, and faraway Persia, then
how much more alive it should have been in the lands under
Turkish authority that neighboured on Poland, Moldavia and Wallachia
especiallyĒ22. This idea was
developed a few years later by Razvan Theodoreşcu23
Bogdan Janusz presented an interesting article on Moldavian objects in Lviv24.
Interesting results were achieved in this period by Michał Walicki, Anna
Marsówna, Celina Osieczkowska25. An exceptional set of photo documentation was
collected by the Ukrainian scholar Jaroslav Bohdan Konstantynowič, who
managed to publish only the first volume of a monograph devoted to the
iconostasis. Material for the second volume is now held in the collection
of the Folk Architecture Museum in Sanok, the Vasyl Stefanyk Library of the
Academy of Sciences in Lviv26 and the Library of the Academy of Sciences in Kiev27.
A big group is constituted by the records of the conservators from Eastern
Galicia, now in the Stefanyk Library in Lviv28. Surviving minutes of meetings
contain information about ongoing conservation of Lviv monuments and lists of
measurements and photographic documentation.
Research picked up after the war. A thorough study of Ruthenian paintings of
the times of the Jagiellonian kings is to be found in the works of
Anna Różycka-Bryzek, which provide much new information on the subject29.
Scholars from Ukraine were active, too, focusing mostly on the national issues
in painting, not on artistic ties between different centers. Of the many
scholars interested in these problems one should mention Pavlo Žoltovskij, who
studied primarily the 17th century wall paintings from the Eastern Ukraine30. The
enormous number of publications from recent years has brought new data. Also
Romanian scholars concentrating on links in the art of the north and south have
made available considerable material for study31. The Transylvania frescoes have
been studied by Marius Porumb32 and
Vasile Draguţ33. Icon painting from Moldavia and Wallachia has been the
subject of studies by Corina Nicolescu, Constanţa Costea, Ioana Iancovescu,
Ecaterina Cincheza Buculei, and Marina Ileana Sabados34. It
is noteworthy that the first comprehensive study of Romanian art as a whole to
be published outside Romania was prepared by Polish art historians: Ryszard
Brykowski, Tadeusz Chrzanowski and Marian Kornecki35.
The works of Stefan Tkáč and A. Frycki have introduced Slovakian monuments
into the history of the development of icon painting36.
There are also some studies by Hungarian scholars37. Of the Polish scholars who
have devoted themselves to a study of icon painting Romuald Biskupski deserves
the most attention as an indefatigable organizer of exhibitions, in Poland as
well as abroad38. Further monographic studies and thorough conservation work will
continue to add to the knowledge of
icon painting, as unknown pieces are being successively published, chiefly in
the acts of conferences organised by Viktor Lucí in the Regional Museum in
Łuck. Mirosław Kruk has presented the state of research on Carpathian
icon painting together with extensive references39. He has
also observed strong artistic ties between centers in the North Carpathian area
and those in southern Slav lands passing through Moldavia. In recent years,
scholarly research has resulted in incremental studies of an inventory nature,
providing a better opportunity for deeper insight into post-Byzantine art.
An analysis of objects from the orthodox areas in Central Europe brings into
focus a number of mutually intersecting artistic tendencies. Many works bear
features typical of Armenian painting40. A good example is provided by the Mandilion
from the National Museum in Cracow41. There exist also examples of icons featuring
a North Russian painting style (for example Christ Pantokrator from the village
of Nowosielce). Another group can be linked with the Italo-Cretan style
associated with Mt. Athos, which I shall deal with further on in this article.
Yet another group of objects is connected with the Latin cultural sphere,
mediated by mean of panel painting as in the case of the icon depicting the Crucifixion
from the National Museum in Lviv42 or through original graphic archetypes from the
German and Netherlandish schools43. A big composition of the Crucifixion with
22 scenes around it, from the Historical Museum in Sanok, is another interesting
example44. In some cases, such as the icon depicting St. George from
Stupnica near Sambir, it is difficult to suggest a prototype offhand; perhaps
one should look to Netherlandish graphic art of the late 15th century or else to
panel painting for the source in this case45. To be mentioned among the important
features appearing in Orthodox church painting of the old Polish Lithuanian
Commonwealth are the elements linked to Balkan art development based in the
Greek Byzantine tradition.
Of the works, the origins of which may be traced to the Balkans, one should
mention currently the oldest known painting from an Orthodox church in Polish
territory (excluding the frescoes from the Catholic chapels and churches of the
Jagellonian era46) - the wall
paintings from the St. Onufrios church in Posada Rybotycka in the vicinity of
Przemyśl. In the presbytery of the stone-built church fragmentary frescoes
have been preserved, most probably dating back to the first half of the 15th
century47. The iconographic program here was adapted to the Gothic interior of the
sanctuary. A representation of Christ Pantokrator surrounded by cherubs
and seraphim decorated the central part, in the center of the vault, as was the
custom in Byzantine churches without domes. Below it there is the Communion
of the Apostles, Washing of the Feet and the Last Supper, scenes representing
Holy Thursday events. The next scenes are difficult to interpret. Rózycka-Bryzek
that believes they completed the series of twelve feasts in the liturgical year,
the so-called dodekaorton48. Holy Thursday themes were popular in the
Orthodox church painting of Moldavia and Wallachia. Perhaps this should be
connected to the texts of the Bulgarian Gregory Camblak, the Kiev metropolitan
in 1414-1420, author of theological treatises and sermons on Holy Thursday
subjects. The scene of Christ in the Tomb represents a popular theme in
13th century Greek iconography - as a wall painting it usually appears in the
niche of the prothesis. Różycka-Bryzek
mentions as a parallel the composition in the Peribleptos
church at Mystras in the Peloponnese. In the prothesis there, there is a
representation of this type with the Church hierarchy around it. The Man of
Sorrows scene was placed in the diakonikon49.
In terms of the style, the frescoes from Posada Rybotycka are close to the
paintings from the Wiślica collegiate and the Lublin chapel. From this
period come the frescoes, fragments of which have survived in the Armenian
church in Lviv50.
A defensive kind of sanctuary
developed in late medieval times. The church at Posada Rybotycka was one of this
kind. There are a few other examples of this kind from the territories of the
Great Lithuanian Duchy, at Małomożejków, Synkowicze and Supraśl,
where the three-aisle rectangular structures were
furnished with four round towers51.
The church at Supraśl was an aisle building, like the Catholic sanctuaries,
with a three-sided presbytery, traced on a rectangular plan, with a dome
supported on an octagonal drum following Eastern traditions52.
The interior was painted with frescoes in 1557 at the order of the archmandrite
Sergius Kimbar. The actual painting was done by the Serbian monk Nektarij53. The
sanctuary was destroyed during the Second World War and the wall paintings are
known only from some photographs held in the collection of the Archaeological
Institute in St. Petersburg. Based on this documentation Aleksander Siemaszko
prepared a reconstruction of the iconographical program54. Paintings also
decorated the dome, drum and vault of the eastern span of the nave, as well as
the walls, the vault springing and the pillars. A Christ Pantokrator
image was found in the dome and below it, on the walls of the drum and the
pendentives, there were the figures of angels, prophets announcing the
Incarnation of God, followed by the apostles and their first followers, who made
up the earthly Church. In the next row there were the martyrs and bishops, and
the symbols of the four Evangelists, in accordance with the decoration occurring
in Byzantine and Post-Byzantine art (e.g. in Caluiu). On the eastern vault of
the nave, there is a representation of angels belonging to the highest triad in
the hierarchy, followed by the seraphim and cherubs, and the tetramorphs. On the
west one had Sabaoth, Christ - Angel of the Great Council, Christ-Emmanuel and
the Holy Ghost. On the south, Herman and Panteleimon, as well as Cosma
and Damian. This part of the vault program had no parallels in
post-Byzantine painting. The only place where Siemaszko was able to identify
it was the hospital chapel in Bistrica in Wallachia. The frescoes on the walls
of the Supraśl church came in four horizontal registers. The first included
scenes from the life of Christ in the order presented by the liturgical calendar
and the readings for two Sundays after the Resurrection.
The second brings illustrations to the Akathyst hymn about the mysteries
and accomplishments of the Incarnation. In the bottom two rows there are
separate medallions with the busts of unidentified saints and a row
of full-figured representations of saints. The idea behind the program was the
Incarnation of God, which was shown in Supraśl through the combined visions
of the prophets Isaiah and Ezekhiel, and also the Annunciation
of Mary (the dedication of the sanctuary) and the
promise of the Descent of the Holy Ghost.
The frescoes are close to Serbian painting from Stare Nagoričino, not only
in terms of the workshop, but also for the convergence of iconographic themes,
such as the symbolic figure of the Cosmos in the scene of
the Descent of the Holy Ghost. Nektarij also made the iconostasis, a fact
noted in the chronicles of the Lavra55. It may be the work described by Peter
Mohyla56. It was later replaced with
an iconostasis from Gdańsk.
With the expansion of the Ottoman Empire, the main art centers of Greece
moved to the borderlands of old Byzantium57. New schools were established e.g. the
Italo-Cretan with centers in Venice and Crete58, a school associated with the
Greek colonies in Wallachia and Moldavia. Later, painting centers also appeared
in Hungary59 and Austria60. The one mainstay of post-Byzantine art were the
monasteries on the Athos peninsula, at Meteora and on the islands, especially
the vigorous workshops of Patmos, Crete and Cyprus. Of interest for our studies
is the development of painting of the territory of modern-day Romania, where
Greek immigrants settled. It is noteworthy that on Athos alone we find many
examples of Moldavian and Wallachian foundations beginning from the late 15th
century: Zographos (1533); the
decoration dated to 1609 of the narthex of the katholikon founded by Petru Rareş
and of the chapel of St. George dedicated to George Tropeophtoros, at Dionysiou;
the paintings from the foundation of Vasile Lupu (17th cent.) at the Lavra;
paintings at Dochiariou and elsewhere61. In Moldavia, as is
well-known there are many churches decorated with exterior wall paintings. The
area of Kastoria is also rich in renderings of this type62. Some of the icons in
the Romanian monasteries are also presumably of Greek origin. The early
Moldavian-Wallachian icons reveal many features typical of the Italo-Cretan
school of the turn at the 15th century. An example is the iconographical type
representing Christ in the Tomb63.
Also the Pieta, an icon from the metropolitan church at Curtea de Argeş,
refers to prototypes in Cretan painting64.
The frescoes executed in the territories of Moldavia and Wallachia were made
by Greek or local painters working in the maniera graeca. Among the
earliest are the wall paintings by the
unknown Greek painterā in the narthex of the monastery church at Bucovăt65.
Of the later cycles, let us mention the wall paintings at Cretuleşti
(1669), Brâncoveni (1700), Polovragi (1703), Mogoşoia (1705), Govora,
Cozia (1705) and Fedeleşoiu (1708)66. In the 17th
century, a Greek painter, Constantin, was working in Wallachian territory;
together with the painter Ion, he executed the frescoes in the Doamnei church in
Bucharest in 1683, and together with other artists at the monastery in Hurez.
The association of many painters under the direction of a Greek artist was
undoubtedly favorable for Wallachian painting. It created an opportunity for
exchanging experiences and establishing a particular mannerism which Romanian
scholarship has identified as the Hurez school.
Fascination with Greek culture in the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth began
with the Renaissance, as indicated by books published in the language of the
ancient philosophers. At the beginning of the 16th century, the first Greek
immigrants appeared, in Lviv and in
Ostrog. An important colony of Greeks was established in Zamość, where
also artists and writers were invited to settle. The library of the town
founder, Jan Zamoyski, boasted a rich set of Greek manuscripts67.
The printing shop opened by the Chancellor in 1693 also published books in
Greek. The writer Simeon Szymonowic, invited from Cracow, belonged to a group of
intellectuals in the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth who were fluent in Greek. In
1604, the works of St. Epiphanios of Salamis were printed in a Latin and Greek
bilingual edition. In 1608, an epic poem in Greek by Rhodoman Laurentius
commemorating the dead Chancellor was published68. It is worth mentioning that
Greek miniature painting of the 17th century developed under the influence of
the woodcuts from the old orthodox books from Lviv. The Greek artists who settle
in the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth brought with them the artistic concepts
worked out by church engravers in the Balkan centers. Matthaios of Myra
(1696-1624) was one such intermediary69.
Relations between Moldavia and Wallachia on the one hand and the area of
western Ukraine on the other reach back to the times of the first settlements on
the Wallachian law. Artistic
contacts with Balkan centers were already in existence presumably in the
so-called Halič period. Current knowledge is insufficient to say much about
them, particularly since few objects have survived from this period70.
In Lviv circles, a high tide in artistic contacts with Moldavia and Wallachia
was reached in the middle of the 16th century, in consequence of political as
much as diplomatic ties, brought about by the rivalry between the old Polish
Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Ottoman Porte.
The church of the Dormition (Uspienski) in Lviv, called the Wallachian
church, was erected with the financial support of the Moldavian hospodar
Alexander II and his wife Roxandra in 1559. The hospodar's letters provide
information concerning the official consecration of the church71. A document of
1565 indicates that the ruler also founded a towe72r. In 1571, the church burned
down. It was rebuilt from funds provided by the Mohyla family. The archives of
the Stauropegion once held a contract for the rebuilding of the church in 1591,
according to designs by Paul the Roman73.
In 1597, the guild nominated Adalbert Kopinos as second master, a year later
Master Ambrose was nominated. In 1603, Philip Teodorovyč the Painter and
Prokop Fedorovyč brought with them the money for the renovation of the
church. Around 1611, Konstanty Mohyla presented more money
to complete the construction work. According to the archival sources, the
painting decoration was executed by Greek painters brought from Lviv around
1633. Perhaps these were artists who had come from the Greek colonies settled in
Wallachia. It should be remembered, however, that at this time the term
"Greek" referred to all those who followed the Byzantine rite. In
1692, the ceiling of the Uspienski church treasury was painted. In the next
year, the painter Ivan Konik painted the guild
meeting hall. Unfortunately, little can be said of the wall paintings in the
church, because they were repainted repeatedly. Future conservation work on
these paintings may help in a better understanding of the original decoration.
Surviving from the period is the iconostasis made by the Lviv painter Nicholas
Petranovyč, who signed a contract for the work in 163874. The entire
structure together with the icons is now in the Hriboviči church near Lviv.
As both the wood carving and the icons were executed
according to Latin models, it falls outside the scope of this article.
The second project in Lviv, also a Moldavian foundation, was the church of
Aghia Paraskeva, situated in the suburbs and considered one of the finest local
buildings of the first half of the 17th century. It was erected by Vasile Lupu.
A tablet on the facade bears the foundation inscription with the Moldavian
coat-of-arms. Nothing is known of the wall paintings; perhaps they are concealed
under the modern plaster work. The church iconostasis was executed by local
artists75. Some of the icons
presumably derive from an earlier iconostasis dated to about 1610. Once
published, the recent conservation work at several churches in the Ukraine,
including the church at Lužany near Černivtsi, will permit a broader
discussion of the issues concerning 17th century wall
The so-called Carpathian icons are associated with a region located on the
slopes of the Carpathian mountains. The term, introduced by Janina Kłosińska
to the icons from the XV and XVI century, has been
accepted by some Polish scholars as well as by Czech, Slovak, Hungarian and
Romanian researchers76. Ukrainian
scholars of the subject, on the other hand, have voiced strong opposition to
judge by reviews written twenty years after Kłosińska's publication77.
From the art historical point of view the concept is anyhow clear. Icons
scattered in Rumanian, Polish, Slovak and Ukrainian collections are frequently
so similar that it is possible to speak of a single workshop. One of the common
features is a non-iconic treatment of the background coloring. The early icons
are often green with the figures dressed in red or green garments, sometimes
creating the impression of having been left unfinished. Examples of the kind can
be found in both Poland and Rumania. They recall the fresco manner and it can be
assumed that the artists came from workshops specializing in the execution of
wall paintings. Let us mention, for example, the icon of St. Paraskeva
from the collection of the Museum of Art in Bucharest78. In the 15th-century
icons, the faces feature a specific manner of painting: a light-brown ochre is
employed on an olive-green ground to produce light-and-shadow effects. Only some
light effects are obtained with the white pigment that was in common use in the
16th century79. A frequently repeated motif are the large flowers in the shape of
stylised lilies, as well as flowers with bell-shaped cups painted in white on a
dark olive-green background. Among the iconographical features characteristic of
icon painting from the Balkan schools we may mention the presence of the
archangels Michael and Gabriel in compositions representing the Hodegetria,
for example, in the icon of the Mother of God from the church at Owczary. The
artist came probably from a Balkan monastic center. The elongated composition of
the Mandilion characteristic of the icons by the Master of Żohatyn, was
also found according to Grządziela, in the wall paintings of Moldavia80.
This type of object is hardly numerous in the territories of present-day Poland
and Ukraine and manuscript illuminations will be of aid in its study. Among the
painting of the late 16th century, it is already possible to distinguish a group
of icons revealing national traits. The images sometimes contain foundation
texts and signatures identifying the artists by name.
Especially important to this discussion is a group of icons originating from
a few locations around Krosno in southeastern Poland: The Birth of Mary, St.
Simon Stylites, the Hodegetria from Weremien and the Hodegetria
from Paniszczów81. All the works were executed in a single workshop and, in my
opinion, the artist came from a community of Greek painters active in Wallachia
in the middle of the 16th century. As an analogy for the frame ornament of these
paintings we may cite the icons from the Simonopetra monastery on Mt. Athos82.
Many elements in works exhibit features typical of the painting derived from the
Italo-Cretan school, which was represented by many artists working in the
monasteries of the Holy Mountain (e.g. Damaskinos), in particular the
compositional types, which are frequently distant echoes of Italian art, and the
rich coloring with a predominance of red and gold. The representation of Simon
the Stylite is especially interesting, and is close to examples found in Balkan
painting. In the scene of The Birth of Mary, at the bottom of the composition on
the left we see a woman holding a pitcher; she is dressed according to the
Italian fashion of the time. Both the dress and the figurative composition is
typical of Italo-Cretan painting of the16th century. Artistic sources can also
be found in Greek painting of the second half of the 16th century, in connection
with Moldavian foundations which are very common on the Athos peninsula.
Not many 17th-century works of importance have survived in left-bank Ukraine.
Contemporary literary sources, however, indicate that the first half of the
century in Kiev was a period of the great activity in the fine arts. The times
of Peter Mohyla featured extensive diplomatic and cultural ties between Moldavia
and the Old Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth83.
Nominated by King Ladislaus IV to the post of Metropolitan in 1632, Mohyla was
instrumental in developing education in schools and printing, not only in Kiev,
but also in Iaşi84. He was prominent as a patron of the
arts, as an animator of spiritual life in the monasteries, and as a supporter of
Orthodox church art development. As frequently evidenced by contemporary
chronicles and literary works, he was responsible for
the rebuilding of many church buildings: the cathedral of St. Sophia in Kiev,
the church of Spas in Berestovo, and most probably the church of the Dormition
(Uspenska). There was an equally pronounced development of the arts at Iaşi,
the capital of Moldavia, at this time, that is, during the
reign of Vasile Lupu. Many churches were built, including the best of them, the
church of the Three Hierarch (Trei Ierarhi).
A few of the Iaşi churches reveal the architectural features of the
"Ukrainian baroque", e.g. the churches of St.
Theodore and of St. Demetrius, and the Agapia monastery85. In Kiev this period
witnessed a number of painting projects which were entrusted presumably to
artists coming from the Balkan Peninsula.
Let us consider what the art of painting might have been like in the times of
Peter Mohyla. Paul of Aleppo wrote "that at first the Ukrainian painters in
depicting the beauty of the face and the colour of the robes drew upon the
portrait painting of European and Polish artists"86.The only painting complex
surviving in this entirety, in Kiev is the set of frescoes from the church of
the Spas in Berestovo87. The building, which lies outside the defense walls of the
Lavra Pecherska monastery, was rebuilt in the 17th century, when it received a
new decoration of wall paintings, commissioned by Peter Mohyla. The works were
executed by Greek artists as we learn from the inscriptions above the entrance
from the narthex to the nave. Above the inscription there is a representation of
the Transfiguration; to the left of that, the Mother of God enthroned,
and on the right, Christ enthroned according to in the Serbian-Balkan type. The
Greek foundation text specifies that the church was rebuilt by Peter Mohyla and
the work completed on November 16, 1644. Upon crossing the narthex, one sees
above the entrance to the nave a large foundation composition depicting Peter
Mohyla kneeling before the enthroned Christ; this is the very important
composition in the church. As observed by Platon Bileckij, foundation scenes are
not encountered in Western Ukraine in this particular period88.
The manner of the founder's portrait recalls the face of Ieremia Mohyla from the
wall painting in Suceviţa. In both compositions the continuing tradition of
Byzantine art is obvious, but the Kiev painting is the more archaic of the two
in view of the kneeling figure of Mohyla. In the nave of
the church in Berestovo, on the western wall, the Last Judgement was painted,
next to the Washing of the Feet; in the dome, Christ Pantokrator and around him
full figures of the Apostles and Evangelists. On the walls of the sanctuary, the
saints of the Eastern Church were represented: John Chrysostom, Basil the Great,
Gregory Nazianzen, Cyril of Alexandria and Athanasios the Great, Theophanos,
Epiphanios, Artemios, and Theodulos. Alongside these figures is a scene of the
Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria, and above the scene and the window openings:
the Annunciation, the College of Apostles, and the Ascension. The absence of a
dome forced some of the paintings
to be moved to the vault of the sanctuary. As in Cracow or Lublin, the
disposition of the paintings was adapted to the Gothicizing interior, but the
closest analogies in the period are to be found only in Moldavia, in Borzeşti,
Neamţ, Piatra Neamţ and Iaşi, where many painters from Greek
circles were active. Among the Greek analogies to the frescoes in the church in
Berestovo, we should mention the murals in the Diochiarious monastery in Athos
and the frescoes from the church of St. Nicholas in Veria89.
It appears that the artists may have come from Greece through Moldavia, where
there were many Greek settlements.
One of the largest sacred building in Kiev was the church of the Dormition
(now in reconstruction) in the Lavra Pecherska, which was among the most
splendid Byzantine buildings in all of Kievan Ruthenia. The 11th century history
of this structure is found in the Pecherskiy Pateryk and its
Polish-language version (Paterykon), issued in print in 163590. The
interior of the sanctuary was described in a work published by Atanazy
Kalnofojski, entitled Teratourgema91. The next mention comes from the
journal of an Arab traveller, Paul from Aleppo. The sanctuary was originally
square in plan. ďThere were nine high domes in the huge vault, all covered
with shining sheet metal with nine small gilded crosses...Ē92. The church was
destroyed in the raid of Batu Khan in 1240, after the Tartars took Kiev, and was
rebuilt only in the 15th century on the instigation of Prince Symeon Olelkowicz.
Paul of Aleppo sees the sanctuary in this form. He is especially interested in
the iconostasis. To judge by the description, it was a monumental piece that
drew words of admiration from all visitors coming to Kiev. Eric Lassota von
Steblau mentions the Uspenski church where ďone may see a fine marble tomb of
Prince Konstanty of Ostróg, a courageous hero, father of the present old Kiev
voivod...Ē93. This is a reference to the now lost funerary monument of Konstanty
Ostrogski, a copy of which is now in the Museum of the Lavra94. In 1718, the
Uspenski church was totally destroyed in the conflagration of the Lavra. A year
later the decision was made to rebuild the sanctuary and a new decoration was
commissioned. Petrow mentions materials that were held in the Lavra in the 19th
century, concerning the reconstruction and the execution of paintings inside the
church95. These were two 18th century manuscripts that were copies of earlier
descriptions of the great church. Based on these iconographical sources and the
report by Paul of Aleppo, it turned out possible to reconstruct the iconographic
program of the decoration of the Uspenski church facade, here in a drawing
prepared by Izabela Lijewska. The chief source were prints found in books issued
in the Pecherskaya Lavra in the 17th century. The situation of the windows
follows the print by Leon Tarasewicz and is in keeping with Byzantine church
architecture. Further work concerned the position of particular scenes on the
facade. Particular images are based on the iconographical models provided in
prints and painting of the mid 17th century. Here is the description of the
facade left by Paul of Aleppo: ďAbove the big doors on the west there is a
fresco representing the Dormition, to the right and left the images of two
princes, the founders of this church, beside each a tall windowĒ96. The
description goes on to cover the upper tiers of the facade, where above the
fresco of the Virgin Mary a tree was painted with the saints perching in it.
Above this there were three big windows with images of
St. Peter and St. Paul in the spaces between them, while the space above them
was occupied by the Pechersk saints, Anthony and Theodosius. The tree of Jesse
painted thus is to be found in Moldavian paintings on the outside of the church
of St. George in Voroneţ, the church of the Annunciation in Moldoviţa,
that of St. George in Suceava97. The execution of the
vegetal motifs has its source in the ornaments designed by Michael Wolgemut,
best known from the Chronicle of the World by Hartman Schedel, published
in Nuremberg in 1493, and various copies in Czech and Polish printed books. Paul
of Aleppo described also the lateral facades: ďThe wall above the small door
[on the right] is decorated with a fresco of the Virgin Mary and angels, who
hold a wreath above her head. Above are three windows and still higher up
another two, one above the other. This is closed with a brick arch decorated
with various ornamental motifs...Ē98. It could have been a representation of the
Mother of God as Orans. On the western side of the church above the doorway
leading to the baptismal font there was a fresco of John the Baptist. As for the
southern wall of the church, frescoes appeared above the second door, where
there were two windows with an image of Christ, the Virgin Mary and St. John on
the wall between them. There was only one entrance on the north and above the
doorway there stood St. Stephen, a rare figure in the Byzantine tradition,
connected more with Latin circles, very popular in Hungary and Transylvania. The
journal of Paul of Aleppo also contains a description of the iconostasis found
inside the Uspenski church: ďIt is very big and very old, its top is crowned
with a cross, on which Christís loincloth is made of solid gold. The icons
next to the door to the altar are of impressive size, especially the image of
Our Lord and the Virgin Mary is bigger and finer than the rest, which are in the
narthex. There are crowns on their heads and beside them there are many fine
objects...Ē99. The crowns, as well as the metal opleče
or coverings reflect a Balkan-Byzantine tradition that
was assimilated in the Old Polish Commonwealth, not only in the Orthodox, but
also in Catholic circles. The icons in the narthex mentioned by Paul of Aleppo
represented Christ and the Virgin Mary, and were probably of 17th century date.
The chronicler also mentions an iconostasis of 1622 in the monastery at Hustyn.
The icons he compares with Cretan painting. The iconostasis contained icons
representing the Pechersk saints, Anthony and Theodosius, as well as a view of
An element of Balkan provenance are portraits of founders placed among the
icons, although of course their origin should be traced back to the Latin
tradition. Foundation portraits are rare in 16th century icon painting in the
territories of the Old Polish Commonwealth. In Moldavia and Wallachia earlier
examples are known, suggesting that albeit of Latin origin, the custom must have
come from the Greek tradition. In Post-Byzantine painting, the oldest icons with
portraits of founders come from Cyprus, where they are dated to the turn of the
15th century100. Similar examples of icons can be found in the territory of
modern-day Romania. The collection of the Museum of Art in Bucharest includes an
icon of the Lamentation from
Curtea de Argeş, which is an interesting example of combined Byzantine and
Western traditions. In the background we see the person of the founder, while
the main scene in itself is a combination of two compositions: the Pietŕ
drawn from Latin iconography, borrowed via the Italic-Cretan school, and the
Balkan variant of the Deposition. In the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth
of the 16th century the foundation icons were placed in the first row. All that
most of them contained were inscriptions testifying to the foundation. This kind
of text on icons appeared already in the 16th century, and in the 17th it was
commonly placed on the antependia below the sanctuary icons. The oldest
known foundation icon is the Annunciation by Fedusko from Sambor, made in
1579 and now held in the collection of the Museum of Art in Harkiv101. The
founderís coat of arms and a text informing about the founder, as well as the
painter of the icon, was found at the bottom. Another icon from the Museum in
Rivne represents the Hodegetria;
it was founded in 1595 by Anna, the Princess Holszańska, as indicated by
the inscription on the bottom margin102. On either side of a
central representation, in the panels of the icon, there are images of the
prophets together with selected texts. In the parish church of St. Nicholas the
Miraculous in Drohiczyn there is another icon representing the Descent of the
Holy Ghost103. The foundation text
is dated 1668 and identifies the place where the icon was executed. The other
icon from the church in Drohiczyn depicts the Virgin Mary and Child and next to
them on the left the figure of a kneeling nobleman. The image of the Mother of
God here is of the Hodegetria type and reveals ties with the representation of
the Illinska Virgin Mary from Černihiv. Next to the adoring figure
of a man there appears an inscription indicating that the icon was offered to
the sanctuary of the Holy Trinity in 1640 by someone who is identified only by
his initials, M.C.L. The work was executed presumably among the same group of
artists, one of whom was responsible for the icon painted for the Paraskeva
Piatnicka church in Lviv. In 1666 Demian Roewicz made the iconostasis for
Kamionka in Wallachia; single icons from this monument are now held in the
collection of the National Museum in Lviv. The icon representing the Holy
Trinity and Abraham has the artistís signature in the lower right corner.
Examples of this kind become increasingly common at the turn of the 17th
century104. Some of the icons also had inscriptions in Polish. They frequently
comprised very exact data concerning when the icon was executed and by whom.
The next place where foundation icons could be placed in an iconostasis is
the Deesis row. This is frequent in the works of Ivan Rutkowicz. On an
icon of Christ the Pantokrator between angels and cherubs, with the Virgin Mary
and St. John the Baptist, two figures of the founders are to be observed in the
lower part. Rutkowiczís other icon bearing the same iconographical model is
dated to 1682105. Today, it is found
immured in the wall of a church of the Holy Trinity in Potelyč. The
inscription on the frame at the bottom identifies the donator, who is Maria,
widow of Piotr Korowiec; she is represented with her son. Placing the scene in
the Deesis row is associated with the idea of protection,
with Mary and St. John the Baptist, shown in prayer as a rule, appearing here in
the role of protectors. This custom was probably taken over from wall painting
in the presbyteries, where Mary was placed in the presence of Christ enthroned,
acting as an intermediary in the foundersí bid to ensure grace for their
families. In Moldavia, the Deesis already appears in iconostases of the 16th
century106. It is at this time that it appears in a already developed form in the
Polish territories, frequently constituting the second tier in iconostases.
A specific kind of foundation were funerary textiles, commissioned by the
family of the dead for commemorative purposes. In Moldavia there were two types
of these funerary textiles representing the figure of the deceased either
standing or lying down. Textiles representing the dead lying with hands crossed
in front belong to the older type, which is closer to Byzantine archetypes. An
example of this type is the portrait of Symeon Mohyla from the collection of the
monastery in Sucaviţa and the
portrait of Mertei de Mangop from the museum at the monastery in Putna. The
second type of funerary textile is a representation of a standing figure. Here,
we can list three portraits: that of Ieremia Mohyla from the monastery in Suceviţa,
and those of Basil Lupu and his wife Iona from the Church of Golia in Jassy. The
embroidery on the textile of Simeon Mohyla shows him lying on his death bed.
This is a hieratic composition that draws on liturgical textiles linked to the
eastern funerary rite107. The so-called plaščenica
representing Christ lying in the tomb or on a catafalque is a constant element
of the Holly Week ritual in the Orthodox Church. It was displayed during the
Passover and then placed on the altar until the eve of the Day of Ascension and
presumably it was used since very long ago in processions, as suggested by a
16th-century wall painting from Kaisarieni near Athens, depicting a scene of
carrying a textile of this kind108. Perhaps the embroideries with the images of the
Moldavian rulers were intended for
the same purpose and accompanied the funeral procession, during which the coffin
with the body of the dead person was carried into the church during the funeral.
In the church at Voroneţ there is a mural representing the entry
of the coffin with the relics of St. John the New to Suceava. Here we see
decoration that imitates a textile109. Similar images may be found on icons from
the Carpathian region, as exemplified by the scene of the moving of the coffin
of St. Nicholas from Myra to Bari, depicted on a number of icons in the
collection of the Historical Museum in Sanok110. Paul of Aleppo, who accompanied
the patriarch Makarios on the journey to Moldavia and Ukraine, described a
funeral taking place in an Orthodox church during a funerary service. It is
known that funerary custom anticipated the adoration of the deceased in the
temple; perhaps then, after the ceremonies, the textile was hung on the wall as
a kind of epitaph. In Orthodox theology death is called ďfalling asleepĒ.
Hence, on the Moldavian tapestries we see the figures as if in a deep sleep,
only the inscription and the crossed arms indicate the actual state. According
to the teachings of the Eastern Church, a part of the human being falls asleep,
while another part remains conscious. The being loses some of its psychic
capabilities connected with the body, the senses, as well as the ability to act
in time and space. In the upper part of the funerary textile of Symeon Mohyla
there are two small scenes: The Trinity with Abraham and Descent into
the Abyss. Both are a reminder of the resurrection. The three angels
announce the coming of the Savior who descended into the abyss to portend the
coming of the Day of Judgement.
The textile of Ieremia Mohyla, which belongs to the second type of funerary
textile, shows a nobleman recalling in pose the Polish and Hungarian portraits
of the times of King Stephen Batory. As Moldavian hospodar, together with
the Grand Crown Chancellor Jan Zamoyski, he entered Jassy in 1595, freeing
Moldavia from under Turkish domination111. Perhaps we are dealing here with a
second version of a work of art that was made after an oil of Polish provenance.
Proof is found in an oil portrait of Ieremia Mohyla and his son, now in the
collection of the Historical Museum in Kiev112. In composition it is very close to
the Suceava textile and perhaps draws on a single model. In both portraits we
see some Turkish elements of dress in what Mohyla is wearing. Not only the
appliqué design or embroidery imitating an Oriental pattern is of Oriental
origin, but also the fine škofia attached to the cap, an ornament of
metal wings with real bird feathers attached to it. It is part of a head-dress,
which in Ottoman Turkey was the privilege of men made famous in war. The
badge was awarded for merit in war, for courage and achievements, and it usually
comprised seven wings of bronze sheet113. Certain scholars have compared Mohylaís
portrait with a rendition of Stephen Batory by Marcin Kober. At this point, it
is interesting to consider another portrait of the king executed by Jost Amman
when Batory was still only voivod of Transylvania114. The pose of the figure
is similar and it may possibly be an archetype for the Moldavian textiles.
A separate problem is the position of the textile from Suceviţa among
the funerary standards. As far as objects of a church provenience are concerned,
there are only a few examples in Poland and, as it turns out, in Moldavia and
Ukraine. Placing the portrait of the deceased on the
funerary standards makes these objects unique, since funerary standards as such
are known from other territories, but they contained merely inscriptions and
heraldic elements, occasionally figurative scenes115. The custom of placing
portraits on standards comes from the Byzantine East and it was from there
probably that it reached Moldavia and, in a slightly different form, was
assimilated in the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth. The funerary standards were
in essence akin to tombstones. The authors used the same few composition
schemes: representations with kneeling figures, figures shown from the knees or en
pied, portraits on horseback. These representations were clearly carriers of
eschatological themes and as objects connected with the cult of the dead they
served as attributes of the knight - soldier of Christ (the Miles Christianus
concept). Following this line of reasoning, one may consider the funerary
standards as monuments to commemorate the knights, that is, soldiers fighting
the enemies of Christianity, a fact frequently reflected in the inscriptions
found on them. Purple was a popular color at the funerals of Polish noblemen,
where sometimes cloth of this color was used in quantity, the color being
considered as appropriate to the seriousness of the occasion, but without any
other symbolic meaning attached to it116. In the case of the portrait of Ieremia
Mohyla on a textile, there is one other element to observe, namely, the hand
that emerges from a cloud in the upper right-hand corner of the composition,
above the model of the Orthodox
church at Suceviţa. The hand of God bringing light and life is a frequent
element in early Byzantine miniature painting117. All of the
elements mentioned above, the Byzantine as well as occidental, indicate that
Moldavia had become a place where the influence from the East and that from the
West mingled freely.
In the Orthodox religious spheres of the Old Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth,
the funerary ritual presumably followed the same principles as the funerals of
Polish noblemen118. In 1693 the
Suceava metropolitan Dositeus died in Žokva. His coffin portrait is known and
some scholars attribute it to Tomasz Wiesiołowicz. The funerary ceremonies,
which took place in January 1694 at the order of King John III Sobieski,
followed the customs of the period119. Unfortunately, the
details of the funeral of a high official of the Orthodox Church escape us;
however, a few elements connected with this important event for the local
community have come down to us, like the said portrait of the deceased. Among
the later funerary standards, one should mention the textile from Ulucz. It
represents a monk standing at a table. The monk is Joel Maniowski, the jeromonakh
and ihumen of the Ulucz120 monastery, who died in 1683. On the back of the
standard there is an inscription informing about the functions of the deceased,
his date of death (July 17, 1683) and information about the reign of King John
III Sobieski. This brings to mind the antimensia, which also provided
information about the ruling king121. Most often they represented The Deposition
and were linked to the liturgy of the Holy Mass. Initially, these were textiles
richly embroidered with golden thread, but they were replaced in time with a
print executed on silk, linen or paper122. Including the name of the ruling king is
connected with the Byzantine tradition of strong ties between local centers and
the seat of the Imperial Church.
Illuminated manuscripts constitute a large group of objects originating from
Moldavia123. One of the richest in terms of illustrations is the Psalter now
in the monastery at Dragomirna; commissioned by Anastasie Crimcovici124 in 1616, it
contains 38 full-page illuminations depicting scenes from the lives of Moses and
David. Another manuscript made for Crimcovici is currently in the collection of
the Austrian National Library in Vienna125. The decoration of the book is very
close to the illuminations in the codex from Dragomirna, where it was probably
executed. In the extensive set of illuminated manuscripts once kept in Lviv,
these two represent the work of
Moldavian scriptoria. Suffice it to mention the Gospel Book from Dragomirna
monastery, containing 345 miniature paintings belonging to the same school as
the above mentioned codices. The book is one of the finest manuscripts in the
cyrillic alphabet now in the collection of the National Library in Warsaw.
Prepared on parchment in 1614 by the monk Theophilos from Voroneţ
monastery, it was also commissioned by the Moldavian metropolitan, Anastase
Crimcovici126. The illuminations executed in body colors and
dust gold are the work of the painter Stefan of Suceava and date to 1617. They
refer to the illumination as an replica of a Greek manuscript from the
collection of the Bibliothčque
Nationale de France in Paris127. One of the leaves of the Warsaw codex bears a
miniature depicting the Evangelist Matthew together with the kneeling
metropolitan Anastasie. The illuminations recall in style the illustrations in
the Tetr Gospel, in a manuscript of Ieremia Mohyla, now in the collection
of the Historical Museum in
Bucharest. The book written in 1595-1600 on order from the Voivod, his wife
Elisabeth and son Konstanty, was donated to the monastery in Suceviţa in
1607128. Another manuscript offered by the Voivod Alexander II (known as Alexander
Łopuszanin in Polish) is also in the monastery collection129.
The illuminations in both the codices were executed by miniature painters
originating from the same artistic milieu. Ieremia Mohyla also commissioned
manuscripts for the monastery of St. Catherine of Sinai
and the Koutloumousiou monastery on Athos. Among the other interesting Moldavian
illuminated books, held by the National Library in Warsaw, let us mention the
Gospel Book copied in the 14th century and offered two hundred years later by
Alexander II to the church of St. John in Przemyśl130.
The opening pages of the four Gospels are decorated with body color and gold in
the form of vignettes, initials worked in the Balkan style (basketwork),
distinguished by precise and painstaking drawing. Another Gospel Book in
the collection of the National Library in Warsaw was executed on commission from
the Princess Theodora called Dragna as a gift for the Church of St. John in
Suceava131. The decoration of the book is also in the Balkan style which prevailed
in the works executed in the Moldavian scriptoria. The ornament is constituted
by intersecting bands, lines and circles. The vignettes were additionally
decorated with vegetal ornament. A common Balkan style also appeared in Moscow
manuscripts of a later date and in the decoration of church codices of the Old
Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth132. An example in point is the Gospel from
Lavriv, a 16th-century manuscript commissioned for the monastery at Lavriv by
Prince Michail Michailovich Sanguszko133. The vignettes and initials on the title
page of each of the four Gospels were worked in this style, while the margins
bore borders with vegetal ornament based on western designs. Compared to the
Moldavian manuscripts, the codices made in the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth
are not as rich, while the Balkan ornament appears quite frequently in books
copied in scriptoria located within the borders of present-day Western Ukraine134.
The large set of manuscripts in the collection of the National Library in Warsaw
originates from the Library of the Greek Catholic Seminary in Przemyśl.
The export of art to Moldavia is an interesting issue. Strong political ties
between Poland and the Moldavian hospodars created opportunities for new
artistic ideas to be transferred to the Balkans. An example of a combining of
two traditions are the embroidered cloths found in Romanian collections. One of
the finest is a funerary tapestry of Ieremia Mohyla bearing a portrait typical
of what has come to be termed Sarmathian painting135. A confirmation of the source
of inspiration is a portrait in oils of Ieremia with his son, now in the
Historical Museum in Kiev.
One should mention printing by the Ukrainian artists in Moldavia. Around
1633, Peter Mohyla sent the printer Timofiej, most probably Timofiej Verbitski,
to Wallachia. Two years later, Timofiej published a Trebnik
at Campulung (Długopole)136. The title page contains a
frame taken from the Kiev edition of the Časoslov
of 1625. Also the initials in the printed book were made from Kiev blocks. In
this edition we find a woodcut depicting the Dormition of the Virgin Mary. In
the same year, a Psalter in Romanian was published in the Govora
monastery in Wallachia137. The woodcut representing King David found in this book
was printed from the same block from which the Kiev edition woodcuts were
printed. It had undergone some retouching, the "LM" monogram and the
date 1628 having been removed and the drawing of the king's face and a part of
the background having been improved. What is surprising is that the same block
was used again in 1640, this time by the printers in Lavra Pecherska: either the
woodcut block had returned to Kiev after the printers, shop had been closed down
or the Psalter in Romanian was also printed in Kiev. This issue will be
addressed following a brief examination of subsequent copies, especially with
reference to the watermarks and letter type.
In 1642, a council was called in Iaşi to discuss the Orthodox principles
of faith written by Cyril Lukaris. This meeting helped to tighten the relations
between the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth, Moldavia and Wallachia. At this
time, on the initiative of Vasile Lupu, a printers, shop was established in the
Holy Trinity monastery in Iaşi. It was equipped with elements brought from
Kiev and Lviv. The ihumen of the monastery was Sofronij Počaskij, former
rector of the College in Kiev. In 1643, the Gospel (Carte
de îvâţaturâ) was published, including
illustrations by the monk Ilya, one of the most prolific church engravers of the
17th century. Oksana Jurchyshyn Smith has established many interesting facts
concerning the life of this artist138. The first edition of the Služebnik
appeared in 1646 and was illustrated with three woodcuts depicting the Church
Fathers, Basil, John Chrysostom and Gregory139. The author of these engravings used
the earlier versions included in a Služebnik
published by the printers at the Lavra Pečerska in 1620. He reduced the
composition slightly, concentrating on lightening the decoration of the robes
and on eliminating the vegetation beneath the feet of the saints.
In the Moldavian manuscripts also there are illuminations copying the
engravings of the Kiev edition. Let us mention here the illuminations contained
in the Služebnik, influenced by the Kiev woodcutting art of the first
half of the 17th century140. In these manuscripts, the miniatures depicting the
Church Fathers were copied from Kiev copper engravings. In 1652, another version
of the Služebnik called Indreptarea Legia
was printed at Tîrgovişte141. It contained three
subsequent copies of the Kiev engravings, executed by Fedor Petru who signed his
pieces with the "FP" monogram. Compared to the earlier Moldavian
woodcuts, the artist altered only the decoration on the liturgical robes and the
ornaments on the border surrounding the composition. Engravings also helped to
introduce various iconographical motifs into Romanian painting.
The examples of painting from Orthodox Church enclaves in the Old Polish
Lithuanian Commonwealth and Moldavian territories mentioned here, as well as the
artistic relations between Iaşi
and Suceava on one hand and Lviv and Kiev on the other, indicate a research
problem and the direction future scholarship should take. The rich historical
sources represented by the archives of Lviv will help in studying particular
objects. The publication of collection catalogues continues to be a pressing
need, especially with respect to the Ukrainian museums. In Romanian collections,
many icons are in need of cleaning in order to recover the original painting
layers. The same is true of the wall paintings in Ukrainian territory. Recent
conservation work has revealed many new facts. Romanian historical research,
which is extensive and of great interest, remains practically unknown outside
the country and vice versa, the findings of Polish and Ukrainian art historians
are as little known to Romanian scholars. I hope that with this article I have
been able to draw attention to issues concerning the history of post-Byzantine
art in Central Europe and that the discussion will serve to stimulate
comparative studies in this field.
Translated by Iwona Zych
1 N. Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance. Continuation de líhistoire de la vie
byzantine, Bucarest 1925, p. 5-13.
2 Cf. L. Kotsí-Hryhorchuk, Napysy na tvorah ukrajinsíkoho seredníovičnoho
malarstva (Linhvične ta paleohrafične atrybituvannia), Zapysky
Naukovoho Tovarystva imeni T. Ševčenka, vol.
CCXXI, Lviv 1990, p. 210-235; Idem, Napisy na ikonah Bohorodyci-Odihitriji z
prorokamy, [in:] Bohorodycja i ukrajinska kultura. Tezy dopovidej i povidomlení
Mižnarodnoji konferenciji 14-15 hrudnia 1995 r., Lviv 1995, p. 26-28.
3 W. Deluga, The Influence of Prints on Painting in Eastern Europe, Print
Quarterly, vol. X, London 1993, no. 3, p. 219; Idem, Etudes comparatives de la
peinture postbyzantine en Europe Centrale, Byzantino-slavica, vol. LV, Praha
1994, no. 2, p. 336-346.
4 There is complete freedom on this question. Many authors, especially the
Ukrainians, tend to very early dating. Cf. V. Aleksandrovyč,
Ukrajinsíke maljarstvo XIII- XV st.,
Lviv 1995, p. 7-76; Z. Otkovyč, Ikona ďBohorodycja OdyhitrijaĒ kin.
XIII- poč. XIV st. z Uspensíkoi Tserkvy sela Dorohobuž na Rivnenščyni
zi zbirki Rivnensíkoho Kraeznavčoho Muzeju (sproba atrybucii), [in:]
Volynsíka ikona: pytannia istoriji vyvčennia, doslidžennia ta
restavraciji. Tezi i materialy naukovoji Konferenciji, prysviatščenoji
90-ritčiu P.M. Žoltovsíkoho, Luck 1994, p. 28-
5 H. Bilewicz, Bizantyńsko-ruskie malowidła lubelskie w świetle
prac cesarskiej Komisji Archeologicznej z Petersburga, [in:] Nacjonalizm
w sztuce i historii sztuki 1789-1950, Warszawa 1998, p. 71.
6 Wystawa Archeologiczna
Polsko-Ruska urządzona we Lwowie w roku 1885, Lwów
7 M. Sokołowski, Studia i szkice z dziejów
sztuki i cywilizacji, vol. I, Kraków 1899, p. 472. Cf. R. Majkowska,
Z korespondencji Mariana Sokołowskiego z Władysławem Łozińskim
w latach 1874-1908, Rocznik Biblioteki Polskiej Akademii
Nauk w Krakowie, vol. XXXII, Kraków 1987, p. 109-113.
8 Sygma [W. Łoziński], Malarstwo cerkiewne na Rusi, Kwartalnik
Historyczny, vol. I, Lvov 1887, no.
2, pp. 149-209. Łozińskiís original papers are held in the
collection of the Historical Archives in Lviv, Fond. no. 135.
9 I. Šaranievič, Katalog arheologicčeskogo-bibliografičeskoj
vystavki Stavropigijskago Instituta v Lvove, Lvov 1888.
10 The Vasyl Stefanyk Library in Lviv, Fond. Šar. 1-19.
11 Jubilejnoe izdanie w pamiatí 300 lietnago osnovanija Lvoskogo
Stavropigijskogo Bractva, Lvov 1886.
12 The Historical Archives in Lviv, Fond. 29. Op. I.
13 M. Sokołowski, op. cit., p. 375-531.
14 W. Podlacha, Malowidła
ścienne w cerkwiach Bukowiny, Lwów 1912.
15 Idem, Abendländische Einflusse in den Wandmalereien
grechisch-orientalischen Kirchen in der Bukowina. Byzantine Kunst der Neuzeit,
Zeitschrift für Christliche Kunst, vol. XXIV, Düsseldorf 1911, no. 7,
p. 199-220; Idem, Anderungen in der Ikonographie, Zeitschrift... , vol. XXIV, Düsseldorf
1911, no. 8, p. 243-252; Idem, Anderungen in der Formengebung, Zeitschrift... ,
vol. XXIV, Düsseldorf 1911, no. 9, p. 271-286.
16 J.D. Stefănescu, L'évolution de la peinture
religieuse en Bucovine et en Moldavie. Nouvelles recherches,
Paris 1929; V. Vătăsianu, Pictura murală din nordul Moldovei,
Bucureşti 1974; V. Draguţ, Pictura murală din Moldova. Sec.
XV-XVI, Bucureşti 1982.
17 P. Henry, Les églises de la Moldavie du Nord et origines ŕ
la fin du XVe sičcle.
Architecture et peinture, Paris 1930.
18 J. Pileński, Halicz w dziejach sztuki średniowiecznej,
Kraków 1914, pp. 129-148.
19 M. Mozdyr, Protokoly ĄTovarystva Ohrony Ukrajinsíkoji Staryny u LvoviĒ
vid 1914 roku, [in:] Zapysky Naukovoho Tovarystva imeni Ševčenka,
vol. CCXXXVI, Lviv 1998, p. 550-554.
20 I. Swěnzizkyj,
Die Ikonenmalerei der galizischen Ukraine XV- XVIJhs., Lwów 1928; Idem,
Ikonopys Halycíkoji Ukrajiny XV- XVI vv., Lviv 1928.
21 M. Holubecí, Ukrajinsíkie maljarstwo XVI-XVII st. pid pokrovom
Stavropihiji. Zbirnyk Lvivsíkoji Stauropihiji, vol. I, Lviv 1921; Idem, Načerk
istoriji ukrajinsíkoho mystectva, vol. I, Lviv 1922; W. R., Zaloziecky,
Ikonensammlung an der Griechisch-katholischen Theologischen Akademie in Lemberg,
Byzantinische Zeitschrift, vol. X, Wien 1935, p. 70-77.
22 T. Mańkowski, Lwowski cech malarzy w XVI i XVII
wieku, Lwów 1936, p. 81. Other scholars have remarked upon the same: N.
Jorga, Choses díOrient et de Romanie, Bucarest, Paris 1923; O. Górka, Stan
badań i zadania historiografii stosunków polsko-rumuńskich,
23 Theodoreşcu R., Maniérisme et le Ąpremier baroqueĒ
postbyzantin entre Pologne et Stamboul. Le cas moldave (1600- 1650), Jahrbuch
der österreichischen Byzantinistik,
[=XVI Internationaler Byzantinisten Kongress. Akten II/ 6], vol. XXXVI, Wien
1982, no 6, p. 341-351; Idem, Gusturi şi atitudini baroce la români
în secolul al XVII-lea. Note liminare, Studii şi cercetări de
istoria artei. Seria Artă Plastică, vol. XXX,
Bucureşti 1983, p. 3-11; Idem,
Synchronismes européens et disparités locales: le baroque roumain
aux 17e - 18e sičcles,
Revue Roumaine díhistoire de líart. Serie Beaux-Arts, vol. XXVII, Bucarest
1990, p. 35- 56.
24 B. Janusz, Zabytki mołdawskie we Lwowie, Wiadomości konserwatorskie.
Miesięcznik poświęcony zabytkom sztuki i kultury, vol.
I, Lwów 1924, no 2, p. 52-64.
25 M. Walicki, Malowidła
ścienne kościoła św. Trójcy na zamku w Lublinie, 1418
rok, [Studia do dziejów sztuki w Polsce, vol. III],
Warszawa 1930; A. Marsówna, Freski ruskie w katedrze w Sandomierzu,
Sprawozdania Polskiej Akademii Umięjetnosci, vol.
XXXVI, 1931, no 6, p. 7-10; C. Osieczkowska, Les peintures byzantines de Lublin,
Byzantion, vol. VII, Bruxelles 1932, p. 241-252.
26 J.B. Konstantynowicz, Ikonostasy
XVII w. w granicach dawnych diecezji: przemyskiej, bełskiej i chełmskiej.
Próba charakterystyki, vol. II (photograph album),
Sanok 1930. Vasyl Stefanyk Library, Print Room, inv. no. 4664. The manuscript is
held in the University Library in Lviv, the Folk Architecture Museum in Sanok
and in private hands.
27 Idem, Ikonostasis. Studien und Forschungen, vol. I, Lwów 1939.
28 W. Stefanyk Library in Lviv, Fond. UK. 5-65.
29 A. Rózycka-Bryzek, Bizantyńsko-ruskie
malowidła w kaplicy zamku lubelskiego, Warszawa 1983
(with extensive bibliography); Idem, Polish Medieval Art in Relation to
Byzantium and Rusí, Nuovi Studii Storici,
vol. XVII, Roma 1992, p. 355-375; Idem, Bizantyńsko-ruskie malowidła w
Polsce wczesnojagiellońskiej: problemy przystosowań na gruncie kultury
łacińskiej, [in:] Polska-Ukraina 1000 lat sąsiedztwa. Studia z
dziejów Chrześcijaństwa na pograniczu kulturowym i etnicznym,
vol. II, Przemyśl 1994, p. 307-326.
30 P.M. Žołtowskyj, Monumentalnyj
žyvopys na Ukrajini XVII-XVIII st., Kyjiv 1988. The following of the works
by Ukrainian scholars deserve attention: G. Logvyn, L. Miliaeva, W. Svencicicka,
žywopys, Kyjiv 1976, S. Hordynsky, Die ukrainische
Ikone 12. bis 18. Jahrhundert,
Munchen Graz 1981, V.A. Ovsijčuk, Ukrajinskie
mystectvo druhoj polovyny XVI - peršoj polovyny XVII st.,
Kyjiv 1985; V. Aleksandrovyč, Lvisíki malari kinca
XVI stolittia, Lviv 1998.
31 M. Sabados, La peinture díicônes au temps de Pierre Rareş, Revue
roumaine díhistoire de líart, vol. XXXI, Bucarest 1994, p. 29-71.
32 M. Porumb, Die rumänische Malerei in Siebenbürgen,
33 V. Draguţ, Arta gotica in Romania,
34 C. Nicolescu, Icoane vechi romăneşti,
Bucureşti 1971; Idem, Icones roumaines, Bucarest
1971; Idem, Icones roumaines de tradition byzantine, Zbornik Narodnog Muzeja,
vol. IX-X, Beograd 1979, p. 439-454; C. Costea, Catalogul icoanelor din secolele
XVI- XVIII din Muzeul Antim, Bucureşti
1978 (manuscript); Idem, Unpublished Works to Complete the Catalogue of
wallachian Painting in the Sixteenth Century, Revue
Roumaine díhistoire de líart. Serie Beaux-Arts, vol. XXVII, Bucarest 1990, p.
19-33; Idem, Pictura in Moldova sub distintia Movilestilor, Cluj-Napoca 1999 (manuscript,
University Library in Cluj-Napoca) M. E. Sabados, Pictura
per lemn in Moldova in seculul XVI, Cluj-Napoca 1999 (manuscript, University
Library in Cluj-Napoca) E. C. Buculei, Menologul in pictura murala din
Ţăra Româneasca, Cluj-Napoca 1999 (manuscript, University
Library in Cluj-Napoca).
35 R. Brykowski, T. Chrzanowski, M. Kornecki, Sztuka Rumunii,
Wrocław 1979. Cf. M. E. Enăcescu, Comptes rendu, Revue
roumaine díhistoire de líart,
vol. XVII, Bucarest 1980, p. 144; Idem, Recenzii şi note de lectura, Studii
şi cercetări de istoria artei. Seria artă plastică,
vol. XXVII, Bucureşti 1980, p.
36 S. Tkáč, Ikony zo 16-19 staročia na severovýchodnom
Slovensku, Bratislava 1980; A. Frický, Ikony z východného
Slovenská, Košice 1971; H. Skrobucha, Ikonen aus Tschechoslowakei,
Prague 1971; M. Keleti, Ikony
16.-18. století na Slovensku. Národní galerie v Praze, Jiřský
klášter, Praha 1984; V. Grešlík, L.
Panigaj, Ikony Šariškého músea v Bardejove, Bratislava
37 B. Puskás, Intenszülő a gyermek Jézussal-ábrázolászok
az Északkelet-Karpátok vidékének ikonjain, Művészettörténeti
Értesítő, vol. XXXVII, Budapest 1989, no. 1-4, p. 66-97; Idem,
ĄA győzemmmel hasonnevűĒ. Szent Miklós ikonográfiájához
a 15-16 századi Kárpát-vidéki ikonok alapján,
Annale de la Galerie Nationale Hongroise, Budapest 1991, p.
38 R. Biskupski, Deesis na jednym podobraziu w malarstwie ikonowym XV i
pierwszej polowy XVI wieku, Materiały
Muzeum Budownictwa Ludowego w Sanoku, vol. XXIX, Sanok
1986, p. 106-127; Idem, Ikony w zbiorach polskich, Warszawa 1991; Idem, Ikonen
uit Polen. Oenkraiense ikonen uit verzameling van her Muzeum Historyczne te
Sanok, Uden 1991.
39 M. P. Kruk, Stan badań nad zachodnioruskim malarstwem ikonowym XV- XVI
wieku, [in:] Sztuka Kresów Wschodnich,
vol. II, Kraków 1996, p. 29-55; Idem, Stan badań nad atrybutami
warsztatowymi zachodnioruskiego malarstwa ikonowego XV- XVI w., [in:] Łemkowie
i łemkoznawstwo w Polsce, [=Prace Komisji
Wschodnioeuropejskiej, vol. V], Kraków 1997, p. 163- 177.
40 V. Aleksandrovyč, Epilog lvivsíkoho seredovišča malariv
virmensíkoho pochodženia. Majstry seredyny XVII-
peršoji tretyny XVIII st., Ukrajina v mynulomu, vol. VIII, Kyjiv 1996, p.
41 J. Kłosińska, M. Zinovieff, Icones de Pologne,
Varsovie, Paris 1987, no. 9.
42 V.I. Sviencicka, O.F. Sydor, Spadščyna
vikiv. Ukrajinsíke maliarstvo XIX- XVIII stolit u muzejnych kolekcijach Lvova,
Lviv 1990, p. 58, no. 55.
43 W. Deluga, The Influence of Dutch Graphic Archetypes on Icon Painting in the
Ukraine, 1600- 1750, Revue des études sud-est européenes, vol.
XXXIV, Bucarest 1996, no. 1-2, p. 5-26.
44 R. Biskupski, Ikony ze zbiorów Muzeum Historycznego w Sanoku, Warszawa
1991, p. 132, no. 66.
45 V.I. Sviencicka, O.F. Sydor, op. cit., p. 54, no. 29
46 A. Różycka-Bryzek, Bizantyńsko-ruskie malowidła w
Polsce wczesnojagiellońskiej: problem przystosowań na gruncie kultury
łacińskiej, [in:] Polska Ukraina 1000 lat sąsiedztwa. Studia z
dziejów chrześcijaństwa na pograniczu etnicznym, vol. II,
Przemyśl 1994, p. 307-326 (Bibliography); Idem, Polish Medieval Art in
Relation to Byzantium and Rusí, Nuovi Studii Storici,
vol. XVII, Roma 1992, p. 355-375.
47 Idem, Program ikonograficzny malowideł cerkwi w Posadzie Rybotyckiej, [in:]
Symbolae historiae artium. Studia z historii sztuki Lechowi Kalinowskiemu
dedykowane, Warszawa 1996, p.
349-365. Cf. Z. Beiersdorf, Cerkiew obronna w Posadzie Rybotyckiej, pow. Przemyśl,
Kwartalnik architektury i urbanistyki, vol. XIII, Warszawa
1968, p. 5-13.
48 A. Różycka-Bryzek, Program ikonograficzny malowideł ..., p.
49 Cf. H. Belting, An Image and its Function in the Liturgy: The Man of Sorrows
in Byzantium, Dumbarton Oaks Paper, vol. XXXIV-XXXV, 1980-1981, p. 1-15.
50 W.A. Owsijczuk, Ukrajinśke
mystectwo, Kyjiw 1985, p. 114.
51 Lietuvos architekturos istorija, vol. I, Vilnius 1988, p. 154; Architektura
gotycka w Polsce, red. T. Mroczko, vol. II, Warszawa 1995, p. 156, 218-219.
52 W. Sekuda, Supraśl. Zespół
klasztorny pobazyliański. Ekspozycja wnętrz refektarza i kaplicy w
dawnym pałacu Archimandrytów, Białystok 1976, p. 6.
53 L. Lebiedzińska, Freski z Supraśla. Katalog wystawy, Muzeum Okręgowe
w Białymstoku, Białystok 1968. Cf. J. Wiśniewski, Freski z Supraśla.
Katalog wystawy, opr. Ludmiła Liebiedzińska, Biuletyn
Historii Sztuki, vol. XXXII no 1, p. 93-94.
54 A. Siemaszko, Malowidło ścienne cerkwi Zwiastowania w Supraślu,
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prace z historii sztuki,
vol. XXI (MCLXXIII), Kraków 1995, p. 13-64.
55 S. Stawicki, Szkice z dziejów unickiego klasztoru w Supraślu w
świetle ĄKroniki Ławry SupraslskiejĒ, Biuletyn konserwatorski
województwa białostockiego, vol.
I, Białystok 1995, p. 30. Some scholars identify the painter with the
author of a Serbian treatise on wall and icon painting that was written down in
1599. Cf. N. J. Petrov, ĄTipikĒ o cerkownom i nastennom pisímie, [in:]
Zapiski Imperatorskogo Russkogo Arheologičeskogo Obščestva,
vol. XI, no 1-2, St. Peterburg 1899.
56 P. Mohyła, Lithos abo kamień
z procy prawdy Cerkwie Świętej Prawosławnej Ruskiej. Na
skruszenie Falecznociemnej Perspektiwy albo raczej Paszkwilu od Kassiana
Sakowicza, byłego przedtym kiedyś Archimandrytę Dubienieckiego...
jakoby o błędach, Haerezjach i zabobonach Cerkwie Ruskiej w uniej nie
będącej, tak w Artikułąch Wiary jako w Administrowaniu
Sakramentów i innych obrządkach i ceremoniach znajdujących się,
Roku P. 1642 w Krakowie wydanego...
, w Monastyru Świętej i Cudotwornej Ławry Pieczarskiej Kijowskiej,
Anno Domini 1644, p. 365. National Library in Warsaw, sygn. XVII 31692.
57 M. Monoussacas, Structure sociale de líhellénisme post-byzantin,
Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik, vol. XXXI, [= XVI
Internationale Byzantinistenkongress. Wien, 4.- 9. Oktober 1991. Akten], Wien
1981, no. 2, p. 791-821.
58 Cf. Embrikos, Líécole crétoise. Derničre
phase de la peinture byzantine, Paris 1967.
59 A. Somogyi, Kunstdenkmäler die griechischen Diasporen in Ungarn,
Thessaloniki 1970; C. Papacostea Danielopolu, Líorganisation de la compagne
grecque de Brasov (1777- 1850), Balcan Studies, vol. XIV, Thessaloniki 1973, p.
60 N. B. Tomakis, Les communautés helléniques en Autriche,
Festschrift zur 200-Jahrfeier der Oesterreichischen Haus-, Hof-, und
Staatsarchivs, vol. II, Wien 1952, p. 452- 461.
61 P. Ş. Nasturel, Le Mont Athos et les Roumains.
Recherches sur leurs relations du milieu du XIV sičcle
a 1654, [Orientalia Christiana Analecta, vol. CCCXXVII], Roma 1986, passim.
62 Cf. A. Camariano-Cioran, LíEpire et les pays romain. Contribution ŕ
líhistoire des relations gréco-roumaines, Ioannina 1984.
63 V. Florea, Istoria artei româneşti
veche şi medievală, Chişinău 1991, p. 316il.
64 Ibid., p. 341il.
65 E. Cincheza-Buculei, Sur la peinture du nartex de líéglise du monastčre
de Bucovăt (XVe sičcle):
presence díun peintre grec Ignoré, Revue roumaine díhistoire de
líart. Serie Beaux-Arts, vol.
XXVI, Bucureşti 1989, p. 11-26.
66 Cf. A. Vasiliu, Brancovan Mural Painting and several Aspects related to Greek
Postbyzantine Art. I, Revue roumaine díhistoire de líart. Serie
Beaux-Arts, vol. XXIV, Bucarest 1987, p. 3-18; Idem, Brancovan Mural Painting
and several Aspects related to Greek Postbyzantine Art. II, Revue
roumaine díhistoire de líart. Serie Beaux-Arts, vol. XXV, Bucarest 1988, p.
67 H. Kocówna, K. Muszyńska, Inwentarz rękopisów
Biblioteki Ordynacji Zamojskiej, Warszawa 1967, nos 57,
58, 125, 132, 142, 155, 156, 157.
68 S. Myka, Drukarnia Akademii Zamojskiej, jej dzieje i wydawnictwa,
Zamość 1994, p. 52, no. 7 and p. 55, no. 11.
69 O. Gratziou, Die dekorierten Handschriften des Schreibers Matthaios von Myra
(1596-1624). Untersuchungen zur griechischen Buchmalerei um 1600, Athens 1982, p.
70 W. Jarema, Dyvnyj svit ikon, Lviv 1994, p. 45.
71 Historical Archive in Lviv, Fond 29, op. I, nos. 24-26. Cf. I. S. Svencickij,
Opisí Muzeja Stauropigijskago Instytuta vo Lvovie, Lvov 1908, nos. 29-31, 36.
72 Jubilejnoe izdanie v pamiatí 300 letniago osnovanija Lvovskogo
Stavropigijskogo Bratcva, Lvov 1886, nos. XVII, XIX.
74 W. Łoziński, Sztuka lwowska XVI i XVII wieku. Architektura i rzeźba,
Lwów 1901, p. 51.
74 Jubilejnoje izdanje..., no. VI.
According to Aleksandrovyč, work on the iconostasis began already in 1616,
but in the light of the documents, Petranovyč may have started upon the
project only after signing the contract. Cf. V. Aleksandrovyč, Obrazotvorči
napriamy v dijalnosti majstriv zachidnoukrajinsíkoho malarstva XVI- XVII
stolití, Zapysky Naukovoho Tovarystva imeni T. Ševčenka,
vol. CCXXVII, Lviv 1994, p. 67.
75 V. Aleksandrovyč, Ikonostas Píiatnickoji cerkvy u Lvovi, [in:] Lviv.
Istoryčni narysi, Lviv 1996, p. 103-144.
76 J. Kłosińska, Ikony, Kraków 1973.
77 L. Koc Hryhorčuk, Nove pro najdavniši zrazy ukrajinsíkoho
ikonopysu, Narodna tvorčistí
ta etnohrafija, Kyjiv 1991, no. 4, p. 59-68; V. Ovsijčuk, Janina Kłosińska,
Ikony- Kraków 1973, Zapysky Naukovoho Tovarystva imeni T. Ševčenka,
vol. CCXXVII, Lviv 1994, p. 471- 478.
78 Romanian Icons, 16th- 18th century. Byzantine Museum 29 March- 29 April 1993,
Athens 1993, p. 99, no. 36.
79 R. Grządziela, Twórczość Malarza ikon z Żohatyna, Folia
Historiae Artium, vol. X, Warszawa 1974, p. 75.
80 Idem, Prowieniencja i dzieje malarstwa ikonowego po północnej
stronie Karpat w XV i na pocz. XVI w., [in:]
Łemkowie w historii i kulturze Karpat, vol. II, Sanok
1994, p. 247.
81 R. Biskupski, Ikonen uit Oekraiense ikonen uit de verzameling van het Muzeum
Historyczne te Sanok, Uden 1991, nos. 20-22, 24.
82 Simonopetra. Mount Athos, Athens 1991, il. 121, 122.
83 Cf. E. Smurlo, Le Saint Sičge
et líOrient Orthodoxe russe (1609-1645), Prague 1924.
84 A. Jobert, De Luther ŕ
Movila. La Pologne dans la crise de la chrétienté 1517- 1648, [Collection
Historique de líInstitute díÉtudes Slaves, vol. XXI], Paris 1974, p.
367. Cf. M. Cazanu, Pierre Mohyla (Petru Movila) et la Roumanie. Essai
historique et bibliographique, Harvard Ukrainian Studies, vol. VIII, Cambridge
Mass. 1984, no. 1-2, p. 188-222.
85 A. Dobjanschi, V. Simion, Arta in epoca lui Vasile Lupu, Bucuresti 1979, p.
86 Ukraina w połowie XVII
wieku w relacji arabskiego podróżnika Pawła, syna Makarego z
Aleppo, wstęp, tł. Komentarz M. Kowalska, Warszawa 1986, p. 62.
87 P. Žoltovsíkyj, Monumentalnyj žyvopisí na Ukrajini XVII- XVIII
st., Kyjiv 1988, p. 13-15; H. Skop-Druziuk, L. Skop, Do problemu fundaciji
Petrom Mohyloju rozpisiv 1644 v hrami Spasa na Berestovi, [in:] Petro
Mohyla i sučastnistí (Do 400-riččja vid dnia narodženija).
Zbirnik vmiščuje tezovyj vyklad dopovidej i povidomlení učastnikiv
mižnarodnoj konferenciji, Kyjiv 1996, p. 42-43.
88 P. Biletskij, Ukrainskaja portretnaja živopisí XVII- XVIII v.,
Leningrad 1981, p. 32.
89 Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Art. Athens. Old University July 26th - January
6th 1986, Athens 1985, p. 64, no. 67.
90 Paterykon abo żywoty SS Ojców
Pieczarskich obszyrnie słowieńskim językiem przez Świętego
Nestora Zakonnika i Latopisca Świętego Ruskiego przedtym napisany.
Teraz zaś z graeckich , łacińskich, słowiańskich i
polskich pisarzów objaśniony, i krócej podany. Przez
Wielebnego w Bogu Ojca Silvestra Kossowa, Episkopa Mścisławskiego,
Orszańskiego i Mohylewskiego, W Kijowie ... 1635...,
p. 25. The National Library in Warsaw, XVII. 3.2416.
91 A. Kalnofojski, Teratourgema
lubo cuda, które były tak w samym święto cudownym
Monastyru Pieczarskim Kijowskim, jako i w obudwu świętych Pieczarch, w
których po woli Bożej błogosławieni ojcowie Pieczarscy pożywszy
i ciężary ciał swoich złożyli...,
w drukarni Kijowo Pieczarskiej Roku P. 1638, p. 15. The National Library in
Warsaw, XVII. 31934.
92 Ukraina w połowie XVII
wieku..., p. 53.
93 E. Lasota, E. von Steblau, Opisy Ukrainy, Warszawa 1972, p. 55.
94 Historical Archives in Kiev, Fond 301, doc. no. 216.
95 N. Petrov, Obí uprazdniennoj stenopisi velikoj cerkvi Kiewo-Piečerskoj
lavry, Trudy Kievskoj Duchovnoj Akademii, Kiev apriel
1900, p. 593.
96 Ukraina w połowie XVII
wieku..., p. 53.
97 W. Podlacha, Malowidła
ścienne..., p. 122-126.
98 Ukraina w połowie XVII
wieku..., p. 55
99 Ibid., p. 55.
100 A. Papageorgiou, Ikonen aus Zypern, München 1969, p. 108-113.
101 M. Helytovyč, Fedusko malar iz Sambora, Rodovid,
vol. XII, Kyjiv 1995, s, 72-74; L. Milaewa, Die ukrainische Ikonen, Sankt
Petersburg 1996, p. 144-145.
102 Inv. no. RKM VIII-ż- 50. Cf. W. Łuć, Datowani wołynśki
ikony XVI- perszoji połowyny XVIII st. u kołekciji Riwnenśkoho
Krajeznawczoho Muzeju, [in:] Wołynśka ikona. Pytannia istoriji
wywczennia, doslidżennia ta restawraciji. Tezy ta materiały II Miżnarodnoji
naukowoji konferenciji m. Lućk, 29 łystopada- 1 hrudnia 1995 roku, Lućk
1995, p. 51.
103 Katalog Zabytków Sztuki.
Województwo Białostockie. Siemiatycze, Drohiczyn i okolice, red. M.
Kałamajska-Saeed, vol. XII, nr. 1, Warszawa 1996, p. 27, il. 193.
104 O. Sydor, Materialy dla zvedennoho kataloha volynsíkoho ikonopysu (z
koleciji Nacionalnoho muzeju u Lvovi), [in:] Volynsíka
ikona: pytannia istoriji vyvčennia, doslidžennia ta restavraciji.
Materialy naukovoji konferenciji, m. Lucík, 27-28 serpnia 1998 roku,
Lucík 1998, p. 96-132.
105 V.I. Svencicka, Ivan Rutkovyč...,
106 M.E. Sabados, Iconographia temei Deesis în pictura per lemn din Moldova
secolului XV, Studii şi cercetări
de istoria artei. Seria artă plastică, vol. XL, Bucureşti 1993, p.
107 R. Theodorescu, Portraits brodés et interférences stylistiques
en Moldavie pendant la premičre
moitié du XVIIe sičcle,
Revue des études sud-est européennnes, vol. XVI, Bucarest 1978, p.
108 P. Johnston, Byzantine Tradition in Church Embroidery, London 1967, il. 92.
109 P. Comanescu, Voroneţ .
Fresken aus 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, Bucarest 1959, il.
110 J. Kłosińska, Icones de Pologne, Varsovie,
Paris 1987, il. 59. Funerary textiles were also in use in Arab lands. Cf. E.
Lane, The Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, New York 1966, p.
111 Z. Spieralski, Awantury mołdawskie,
Warszawa 1967, p. 158.
112 Gdzie Wschód spotyka Zachód.
Portret osobistości dawnej Rzeczpospolitej 1576-1763. Katalog wystawy.
Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie, red. J. Malinowski, Warszawa
1993, p. 365, nr 200.
113 Z. Żygulski, Akcenty tureckie w stroju Batorego, Folia
Historiae Artium, vol. XXIV, Wrocław
Warszawa 1988, p. 66.
114 S. Komornicki, Essai díune iconographie du roi Etienne Báthory,
Cracovie 1935, p. 433, nr 1.
115 Cf. J. Kozina, Polskie chorągwie nagrobne i ich związek z ideą
Militis Christiani, Nasza
Przeszłość, vol. LXXI, Kraków 1990, p. 238-254; J. Kozina,
J.K. Ostrowski, Chorągwie nagrobne, [in:] Sarmatia semper viva. Zbiór
studiów ofiarowany przez przyjaciół prof. drowi hab.
Tadeuszowi Chrzanowskiemu, Warszawa 1993, p. 91-138.
116 J. Chruścicki, Pompa funebris. Z dziejów
kultury staropolskiej, Warszawa 1974.
117 O. Wulff, Die byzantinische Kunst von der ersten Blüte bis zum ihren
Ausgang, vol. II, Berlin München 1918, il. 450, 451.
118 The burial rites of representatives of the merchant class
in the Polish Commonwealth differed somewhat, Cf.: E. Kizik, Noenia funebris.
Pogrzeby w Gdańsku wczesnonowożytnym (XVI-XVIII wiek), [in:] Mieszczaństwo
Gdańskie, Gdańsk 1997, s. 287-315.
119 M. Gębarowicz, Szkice z historii sztuki XVII w.,
Toruń 1966, p. 261.
120 It should be kept in mind that the Skit in Maniawa was connected since 1642
with the monastery at Suceava, Cf. A. Andrejuk, Geneza i dzieje Skitu w Maniawie.
Praca magisterska napisana pod kierunkiem Prof. dra hab. M. Bendzy. CHAT,
Warszawa 1992 (typescript), p. 11. CHAT Library, no. 16777.
121 I. Gošev, Antiminsyt
liturgičesko i cerkovno-arheologičesko izsledovane,
Sofia 1925, p. 1.
122 Antimensia are mentioned by Peter Mohyla: Lithos
abo kamień z procy..., p. 127
123 Cf. T. Sinigalia, Un manuscrit gréco-roumain enluminé datant de
líépoque de Constantin Brâncoveanu, Revue roumaine díhistoire
de líart. Série beaux-arts. Vol. XXVI, Bucarest 1989, p. 27-36; Idem,
Entre líOrient et líOccident. Les problčmes
miniatures votives des Pays Roumains, Revue roumaine díhistoire de líart. Série
beaux-arts., vol. XXVII, Bucarest
1990, p. 3-18; C. Costea, La sfârşitul unui de erudiţie: pictura
de icoane în Moldova timpul lui Ieremia Movilă. ďAmbianţia
SuceviţeiĒ, Ars Transilvaniae, vol. III, Cluj
Napoca 1993, p. 80-82.
124 C. Costea, Ilustraţia
manuscriselor slavone în mediul cărturăresc al. Mitropolitului
Anastasie Crimcovici. ďPsaltireaĒ (Mănăstirea Dragomirna, cod. Sl.
TD6/1934 [354-32]), Studii şi cercetări de istoria artei. Seria artă
plastică, vol. XLI,
Bucureşti 1994, p. 17-40.
125 C. Costea, Ilustraţia de manuscris în mediul cărturăresc
al. Mitropolitul Anastasie Crimcovici. ďApostolulĒ (Vienna,
Nationalbibliothek cod. Sl. 6), Studii şi cercetări de istoria artei.
Seria artă plastică, vol. XXXIX, Bucureşti 1992, p.41-56.
126 Sztuka iluminacji i grafiki cerkiewnej.
Katalog wystawy październik- listopad 1996.
Biblioteka Narodowa, Warszawa 1996, p. 45, nr. 7.
127 S. Der Nersessian, Une nouvelle réplique slavone du Paris Gr. 74 et
les manuscrits díAnastase Crimcovici, [in:] Mélanges offerts ŕ
M. Nicolas Iorga par ses amis de France et des pays de langue française,
Paris 1933, p. 695- 725.
128 G. Popescu-Vîlcea, Un
manuscris al. Voievodului Ieremia Movilă, Bucureşti 1984, passim.
129 Ibid., p. 5.
131 Sztuka iluminacji i grafiki cerkiewnej..., p. 44, nr. 6.
132 Ibid., p. 45, nr. 8.
133 Ibid., p. 46, nr. 12.
134 Ibid., p. 46, nr. 10.
135 Cf. Ja. Zapasko, Pamiatki knyžkovoho mystectva. Ukrajinsíka rukopysna
knyha, Lviv 1995.
136 R. Theodorescu, Portraits brodés et interférences stylistiques
en Moldavie pendant la premiere moitié du XVIIe sičcle,
Revue des études sud-est européennes,
vol. XVI, Bucureşti 1978, nr. 4, p. 587-709; W. Deluga, Portraits de la
famille Movilă du XVIIe sičcle,
Revue roumaine díhistoire de líart. Série beaux-arts,
vol. XXXI, Bucureşti 1994, p. 73-85
137 I. Bianu N. Hodoş, Bibliografia Românéscă veche
1508-1830, vol. I, Bucuresci 1903, p. 103, nr. 35.
138 Ibid., p. 104, nr. 36.
139 Ibid., p. 137-143, nr. 45. Cf. O. Jurčyžyn, Rumunsíkyj period
tvorčosti majstra Illi, Almanah,
1994, Lviv 1995, p. 153-156; Cf. D. Morărescu, Ilie Anagoste, the
Xylographer of Petru Movilă and Vasile Lupu, Romania
Today, vol. VII, Bucureşti
1982, p. 35-36; F. Dudaş, Cazania lui Varlaam în
Transilvania, Cluj-Napoca 1983, p. 165-166; Idem,
Memoria vechilor cărţi româneşti. Înemnări de
deult, Oradea 1990, p. 35-89.
140 I. Bianu N. Hodoş, op. cit., p. 152-155, nr. 49.
141 G. Baluţă, S. Craia, Manuscrise miniate şi ornate din epoca
lui Matei Basarab, Bucureşti 1984, p. 61-63, nr. 22, il. XX.
142 I. Bianu N. Hodoş, op. cit., p.190-203, nr. 61.
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